TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 1898-99 BY J. y^. FO^\^ELL DIRECTOR WASHINGTON G O V E K N M'^ N T PI! IN TING OFFICE 19 0?. ^ 1^/ '■ '■''m'^" r5\ •-,-» LETTEll OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, B. C, July 1, 1899. Sir: I have the honor to suVjinit my Twentieth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The preliminary portion comprises an account of the opera- tions of the Bureau during the fiscal year, and the further development of a classification of ethnic science that has grown out of the Bureau's work in the last two decades; the remainder consists of a memoir on the native pottery of the eastern United States, which embodies briefly the results of many years' archeologic exploration by the Bureau, supple- mented by study of all the important collections of aboriginal American potteiy in the United States. Allow me to express my appreciation of your constant aid and your support in the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, '^ Director. Honorable S. P. Langley, Sec, *fry of the Smithsonian Institution. 1 i «!^9'^ CONTENTS REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Page Introduotion '^ Field research and exploration ,- ^ Office research ^u Work in esthetology x'l Work in technology - ^i" Work in sociology ^'^''i Work in philology xx Work in sophiology xxi Work in descriptive ethnology xxiii Miscellaneous work xxiii Collections xxiv Property -^- -^xiv Financial statement ^^^ Characterization of accompanying paper xxvi Technology, or the science of industries xxix Introduction xxix Substantiation xxxi Construction x^vi Mechanics xi- Commerce sliii Medicine '^\a-%. Sociology, or the science of institutions lix Introduction lix Statistics lxi Economics - '^^^'^ Civics Lxxvni Histories 'fci Savagery xci Barbarism civ Monarchy cxi Republickism cxviii Ethics - cxxvi Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression cxxxix Introduction cxxxix Emotional language cxl Oral language cxliv Introduction cxliv Phonics cxLvi Lexicology cxlviii Grammar cxmx Etymology cliii Sematology clvii The Aryan problem clxiii V VI CONTENTS Philology, or the science of activities de8ignei'iiitiary purpose was the collection of typical artifacts representing the aboriginal culture of the peculiarly interesting Pacific coast province ; a secondary purpose was the collection of prehistoric relics, the comparison of these with the early historical period, and the general study of the culture history of the region ; and a satisfactory degi'ee of progress was made in the attainment of both purposes. The operations resulted in substantial enrichment of the Museum through the acquisi- tion of new and representative material, and indirectly the opportunities for local work led to the acquisition of a highly useful collection of basketry — the Hudson collection — which throws much light on the aboriginal handicraft and motives of the California Indians. In November Dr J. Walter Fewkes repaired to Arizona for the purpose of continuing researches concerning the winter ceremonies of the Hopi Indians, but soon after his arrival an epidemic of smallpox manifested itself in such severity as com- ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XI pletely to demoralize the Indians and to prevent rhein from carrying out their ceremonial plans, and nf the same time to place Dr Fewkes in grave jDersonal danger. It accordingly became necessary to abandon the work for tlie season. Early in the fiscal year an ai-rangement was effected with the managers of the Trans-Mississippi and International Expo- sition, at Omaha, by which Mi- James Mooney coopei'ated with them in the installation and conduct of an Indian congress. In carrying out the plan Mr Mooney visited Indian Territory and Oklahoma, and successfully enlisted the sympatliy and aid of representatives of various tribes, including the Kiowa, with whom he was intimately acquainted. Portions of the aborigi- nal material obtained in the field for the use of the congress were subsequently acquired for the National Museum. In August Dr Albert S. Gatschet revisited New Brunswick for the purpose of continuing the collection and analysis of Algonquian linguistic material. He sought new aboriginal informants, and was able to make satisfactory additions to the recorded dialects of the measurably distinct portion of the great Algonquian stock occupying the northern Atlantic coast. In September Mr J. N. B. Hewitt proceeded to various localities in New York and Ontario for the purpose of obtain- ing additional material pertaining to both the languages and the myths of the Iroquoian Indians, and the work, coupled with efforts to obtain certain luiique objects for the National Museum, occupied him in the field until January. During the autunni Mr J. B. Hatcher, who had previously brought from Patagonia certain valuable ethnologic material for the Museum, returned to the field and resumed collecting and the making of photographs illustrating the habits and hal)itations of the Tehuelche tribe and the natives of Tierra del Fuego. His work was not completed at the end of the year. Dr Willis E. Everett, acting as a special agent of the Bureau, visited various remote districts in Alaska and contiguous British territory during the year, and obtained a quantity of linguistic data of considerable use in classifying the aborigines of a little- known district. XII BURf:AU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY officp: research WOKK IN KSTHETOLOGY Throughout much of the year the Director continued giving attention to the synthesis of data in the Bureau archives and in pubhshed form, with the view of organizing anthropic science, including ethnology in its several aspects. Among the subjects considered in detail was that of the more spon- taneous human activities, normally pleasurable in character, which form the object-matter of esthetology. The researches among the aborigines have thrown much light on tliis subject, since the symbolic devices, sports, games, and ceremonies of the tribesmen are relatively simple and little differentiated, and hence are readily perceived and synthesized — indeed the syn- thesis of the esthetic and other activities rests primarily on the observations among the American natives, c(iiToborated by critical observations on other primitive peoples, and finally attested by the facts manifested among advanced peoples. It is convenient to denote the primary activities comprised in the domain of esthetology as pleasures, since they are largely physiologic in character, though, like other activities, chiefly demotic (or collective) in their manifestations; and the activi- ties may be classed as ambrosial pleasures, decoration, athletic pleasures or sports, games, and fine arts. The definitions and the classification of esthetology were formulated and printed in such manner as to facilitate examination and further discus- sion on the pai-t of the collaborators of the Bureau and other students, and were finally incorporated in the last report. In continuing his researches concerning the collections made in the Florida muckbeds, Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing was led to comparative study of a wide range of those products of primitive handicraft expressing symbolic ideas in form, func- tion, and decoration; and certain of his generalizations are of much importance in that they afford a satisfactory basis for the classification and interpretation of many of the protean artifacts of primitive origin. His researches indicate that the primitive implement-maker is actuated by a few dominant ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIII ideas, influenced largely by habit, and measurably controlled by simple associations; so that the products of his handiwork, when arranged b}- function and motive, niay readily be gi'ouped in a limited number of catagories, which are, at the same tune, convenient and significant. The type of ideative association is exemplified by the tomahawk-calumet, which is at once a war weapon and an appurtenance of jieace, and hence serves as a symbolic expression of willingness for war and readiness for peace at the option of the other i)arty; the war concept is emphasized by decorative motives, usually derived from strong and swift animals, while the peace concept is strengthened by emblems in the form of feathers of small birds or other decorative symbols derived from gentle animals; and the antithetic symbolism serves to keep alive the opposing sentiments of amity and enmity in the primitive mind. In this and other cases, the recognition of motive on the part of the maker enables the student to reduce the chaos of protean forms of primitive artifacts to definite order. Althougli his work was somewhat retarded by ill health, Mr Cushiug's prog- ress in researches was satisfactory. When compelled to abandon field work, for reasons already noted, Dr J. Walter Fewkes turned attention to the collections made during earlier seasons, and began the preparation of a memoir treating of the decorative symbolism of Pueblo pot- tery. This memoir was nearly ready for pul)lication at the close of the fiscal year; it embraces various new interpreta- tions of importance, the account of which is reserved for a future report. Work in Technology As has been noted, the Director made observations on the aboriginal technology i-evealed in the contents of shell mounds and tunmli in Maine during the earlier part of the fiscal year; and these observations, with other data, were subsequently utilized in defining the science. The technical activities are intimately interrelated, and combine to form a complex group, which is conunonly assumed to be iiTesolvable with scientific precision; but the relations of the activities are so well dis- played in primitive culture like that of the American aborig- XIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iiies as to suggest a couveiiieiit an-angement for the use of investigators, and such an arrangement has been formulated and placed within reach of the collaborators and others for subjection to the test of actual use. In this an-angement, industries are classified as (1) simple production or substantia- tion, (2) construction, (3) mechanics, (4) commerce, and (5) the preservation, reconstruction, and improvement of the human body by a series of processes conveniently connoted by the term medicine. Provision has been made for complet- ing and adding details to the outline already prepai'ed, in a foi'm suitable for publication in another part of this report. Mr Cushing's researches have served to illumine those early stages in the growth of industries in which utility was but vaguely perceived, and in which processes were largely cere- monial or symbolic, as when the hunter sought success by imitating the attitude and actions or by arming himself with the beak or claws of a raptorial tutelary. The researches conducted in the Bureau have already rendered it clear that decoration, as indeed the greater portion of the fine arts, arises in symbolism and develops through conventionism ; and the researches of the year suggest a related genesis for indus- tries. The results of the work are in preparation for full publication. While among the surviving aborigines of California, Mr W J McGee was enabled to make observations corroborating and extending generalizations already framed with respect to those of the primitive industries involving the use of stone as material for implements. The several tribes studied may conveniently be classed as Acorn Indians, since acorns form their principal source of food, and since their characteristic industries are conditioned by this food supply. Some of the processes and implements vary from tribe to tribe; for example, in some tribes the acorns are cracked in the teeth in order that the meats may be extracted, in others they are cracked with spheroidal hammer-stones, and in still others an elongated pestle-like stone, grasped by one hand and used in the fashion of a club or civilized hannner, is employed for the same pur- pose. Other devices, such as those used for grinding the acorn ADMINISTRATIVE KEPORT XV meats, are substantially alike from tribe to tribe; though it is noteworthy that in each tribe there is a diversity growing out of the age of the apparatus, or the degree of development by use. Thus it is found that the nether millstone, which may be either a ledge or other mass in place of a portable bowlder, is, in the earlier stages of use, a flat or slightly concave metate, which after more extended use becomes a deeply concave metate, still later a shallow mortar, and at length a deep mortar, which may eventually be worn through if the original mass is not more than 9 to 15 inches in thickness; while the grinding-stone concordantly changes from a simple roller or crusher to a mano (or muller), and finally to a pestle, at first broad and short, but "afterward long and slender. It follows that in this region the northern device of the mortar and the southern device of the metate overlap; yet it is much more significant that the overlapping is essentially genetic and only incidentally geographic. Not infrequently the genesis of an individual mill corresponds with the rise and passing of a family; the young woman may begin life with a bowlder having one flat side and a few river-worn cobbles as a mill; the bowlder is then used as a metate and the cobbles as mul- lers; gradually the mill develops into a mortar with a well- rounded and polished pestle, both shaped chiefly by wear, perhaps supplemented by slight dressing. On this the matron grinds vigorously in her old age for the support of her daughters and their husbands and the growing grandchildren; and on her death apparently the pestle is broken and the bottom is knocked out of the mortar. Neglecting the final act, the individual growth of the primitive mill well epitomizes the phylogeny of its species, and demonstrates that in general the mortar must be regarded as the differentiated and even- tually degraded offspring of a metate-like prototype, whence sprang also the metate along one line and the quern and its derivatives along anothei'. It is particularly significant, too, that the milling apparatus still used by the Californian natives consists initially of naturally-formed ledges or bowlders, with stream-worn cobbles for grinders, and that both bowlder and cobble are, for the most part, shaped gradually by wear, with- XVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY out definite recognition of the shaping on the part of the operator — i. e., that the mills represent protolithic cultvire, rather than the technolithic art characterized by designs and models. The plan for the Indian congress at Omaha (mentioned in a preceding paragraph) was formulated chiefly by Mr James Mooney, in comiection with Honorable Edward Rosewater, president of the board of publicity and promotion of the expo- sition, thouffh conditions connected with administrative control and policing of the Indians assembled on the grounds led to the assignment of a representative of the Indian Bureau, Captain W. A. Mercei', as officer in charge of the congress; but Mr Mooney cooperated in the installation and remained on the ground throughort the exposition. In accordance with the plans of Mr Mooney and Mr Rosewater, the Indians were domi- ciled, so far as was practicable, in houses or lodges of their own construction, and of more or less strictly aboriginal type; accordingly the installation afforded an excellent opportunity for the study of native house building, and of the ceremonies connected with the highly interesting house-cult of the native tribes. Among the lodges were two Blackfoot skin tents, made and decorated in aboriginal fashion in every respect, save that cow hides were substituted for buffalo hides. A lodge of special nature was a Wichita grass house, which faithfully exem))lified the aboriginal construction, since the structure was an actual example, the oldest in the Wichita village in Indian Territory; this was repaired, taken down, and reconstructed by aged men and women conversant with the house-cult of the tribe. At the close of the exposition this specimen was obtained for the National Museum. These and other structures erected at Omaha and carefully studied by Mr Mooney have added materially to the knowledge of aboriginal houses. The researclies in California by Mr McGee and Mr Holmes extended to basketry and added materialh' to knowledge of the processes of basket making, especially among the Pomo and Yokai tribes. The Hudson basketry collection comprises examples of twelve different weaves, which have been carefully studied h\ the collector, Dr J. W. Hudson, and are described ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XVII fully in his catalog; and, in addition, several processes were critically studied in actual use by basket makers. The functions or purposes of the baskets also received careful attention. In this region they form the connnon utensils of the householders, taking the place sometimes filled by fictile ware, and serving various other pui-poses. They are used as cups, canteens, and other water vessels, as pots for boiling acorn meal and meats (by means of heated stones), as receptacles for stored foods and liquids, and especially as ceremonial and sacramental objects. The researches concerning the aboriginal basketry of California promise important results along different lines as the work proceeds. Work in Sociology The synthesis of activities by the director extended into the domain of institutions during the year, and the science was characterized and formulated in a preliminary way; but, since the institutional activities are still more complex than the industrial activities, and since the data available in the archives of the Bureau are exceedingly voluminous, the formulation was not completed at the end of the fiscal }'ear, though the results will be ready for incorporation in another part of this report. In the course of his researches among the California Indians, Mr McGee obtained certain data tending to explain the lin- guistic diversity which so strongly distinguishes the Pacific coast province from the major portion of the continent — a diversity expressed by the fact that four-fifths of the area of the continent are represented on linguistic maps by only about one-fifth of the linguistic stocks, while the remaining four-fifths of the stocks are concentrated in less than one-fifth of the area, skirting the Pacific coast. In the first place, various indica- tions were found that the human period in this region has been relatively short, or at least relatively uniform and uneventful; for, while most portions of the country reveal some evidences of culture-succession, the Californian region reveals but a single culture-type in the relatively rare artifacts scattered over the surface or still in use among the tribal remnants; so that, on the whole, the region impresses the student as one of either 20 KTH— 03 II XVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY short or slow, and, in any event, relatively slight, demotic development. In the second place, it was ascertained that the tongues of the several tribes are in exceptional degree held as esoteric or sacred. It is common among all primitive peoples to sun-ound personal names and ceremonial terms with more or less secrecy or mystery, but it is not common to similarly guard and sanctify ordinary speech; but the Californian tribes subjected to study apparently hold as sacred not merely personal names, but the name of the tribe and many if not all the common terms of their language; indeed, it would appear that they regard language as forming the primary basis of their social organization, or at least as a tangible and definite expres- sion of consanguineal relation. A third factor in the organi- zation of the Californian aborigines grows out of their industrial status. Since their chief food source is the acorn, and since the oak trees never grow in continuous forests, but are somewhat sparsely distributed among other trees or over the openings of the valleys, the native population was necessarily sparse and scattered, and each tribe tended to remain permanently attached to a definite range; and this sparse distribution per- mitted and promoted the retention of tribal dialects corre- sponding to each range. A fourth factor appears in ceremonial observances, apparently growing out of the industrial condi- tion, notably the affine tabu which prohibits communication between sons-in-law and mothers-in-law, and among some of the tribes between danghters-in-law and fathers-in-law and other connections by marriage. The linguistic, industrial, and cere- monial factors all operate as repulsive forces tending to pre- vent aggregation of population and intercommunication of tribes, and hence to retard cultural development; and it would appear that the several factors, interacting with cumulative effect, have combined to produce the singular concentration of linguistic stocks in the Pacific coast region. Mr McGee also noted a hitherto neglected factor tending toward the actual difi'erentiation of speech, i. e., the custom of dropping from daily use all terms connoting the names of decedents (which obtains also among the Kiowa and some other tribes) ; and it is significant that this custom tends to produce lexic rather ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIX than morphologic changes, and hence to bring about the precise conditions long known to be characteristic of the Califomian tribes. The researches concerning this subject are not yet complete. During the eai-lier part of tlie fiscal year Mr Mooney con- tinued researches relating to the Kiowa Indians and noted as a conspicuous characteristic of the tribe the apparent absence of a clan or gentile system; for, despite his intimate. acquaint- ance with and adoption into the tribe, he has never been able to discover unmistakable traces of this commonly prominent feature of primitive social organization. This peculiar charac- teristic has received attention from the Director and Ethnolo- gist in Charge, and an apparently satisfactory explanation has been discovered : On reviewing the tribal customs it became evi- dent that the widely roving Kiowa enjoyed contact with other tribes, and consequent accidturation in an exceptional if not unique degree. Sometimes the association was amicable, when ideas and devices were freely interchanged; not infrequently the contact was inimical, when the Kiowa were commonly enriched by the acquisition not only of plunder but of cap- tives who were subsequently adopted into the tribe; and the general effect of the wide association was to extend the intel- lectual range and differentiate the blood of the Kiowas. Especially important was the habitual adoption of captives, the effect of which is always to introduce arbitrary relationsliips tending to break down the natural kinship system ; yet hardly less important were the oft-recurring excursions for lumting and plunder, since they involved more or less arbitrary extensions of the consanguineal organization, somewhat analogous to those attending the development of patriarchy among regularly nomadic peoples. Collectively, the conse- quences of the roving and predatory habits of the Kiowas must have been to subordinate, in exceptional if not unicjue degree, the prevailing kinship organization characteristic of primitive society and to gloss or even to replace it with tlie more strictly artificial or demotic system corresponding to that of higher culture The results of Mr Mooney's researches con- cerning the distinctive organization of the Kiowas will be incorporated in a memoir on the heraldic system of the tribe. xx bubeau of american ethnology Work in Philology Toward the end of the iiscal year the Director made progress in systematizing the rich linguistic collections in the archives of the Bureau, with a view to formulating plans for further research concerning the aboriginal tongues of America; the results are to be made ready for another part of this report. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued the collection of Iroquoian material, both linguistic and mythologic, and made satisfac- tory progress in preparing it for publication. His studies illustrate the importance of conibining inquiries concerning primitive myths with linguistic inquiries. Thus, certain puz- zling inflections introduced in various terms eluded the best efforts toward analysis throughout the earlier portion of the year; but, on studying the creation myths with the aid of native informants in the course of his field operations, he ascer- tained that these obscure inflections connote a characteristically jjrimitive notion concerning individual activity or power; for example, the shaman is supposed to work magic by the sound of his rattle or drum, and the witch to work her evil charms by the action of singing, both acquiring their mystical powers only by and through the supposedly mystical exercise of func- tion in producing the sound, and it is the purpose of some of the obscure linguistic inflections to denote the mystical states recognized in the mythology. It is well known that the aboriginal languages possess inflections for normal states, such as sitting, standing, reclining, and moving; but the recent researches show that there are inflections also for mystical states, and that some of these quite significantly correspond with the inflections for singing or dancing. A preliminary announcement of results has been made, and formal publica- tion will follow so soon as the inquiry can be considered complete Dr Albert S. Glatschet continued the preparation of the com- parative vocabulary of the Algonquian stock, and at the same time, according to custom, compiled linguistic mateiialfor use in reply to numerous inquiries from correspondents for abo- riginal terms to be applied to parks, vessels, villages, etc., and ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXI for tlie meaning or etymology of aboriginal terms already in use. The field operations of the year materially enriched the comparative vocabulary, which has already attained such volume and completeness as to yield standards for classifying the tribes comprised in the extensive stock to which it pertains. Working under a small allotment, Dr Franz Boas con- tiimed the preparation of linguistic material collected among the tribes of northwestern United States and contiguous Cana- dian territory. The principal contributions of the year com- prise a complete Tsimshian vocabulary and a considerable collection of texts. The texts are in form for publication, and will be published in the series of Bulletins recently authorized by the Congress. During the year the Bureau was so fortunate as to obtain, through the courteous offices of Dr Edward Everett Hale, the vocabulary of the Massachusetts (Natick) language laboriously prepared by the late J. Hammond Trumbull, and good prog- ress has been made in arranging the material for publication. Work in Sophiology Throughout the history of the Bureau, it has been the pol- icy to organize the lines of research in such manner as to per- mit comparative study of well-defined categories of activities and activital products. The maintenance of this policy has been particularly difficult in connection with the science of opinions, or sophiology, since the object matter of the science is more elusive and complex than that of any other branch of knowledge; yet fair progress has been made in the introduc- tion of the comparative method in even this branch of inquiry. During the year the Director brought together the data required for a characterization of the science of sophiology in general terms, and this outline will be found on other pages of the present report. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt made an important comparative study of the creation myths of several Iroquoiau tribes and of two or three Algonquian tribes. The results, which are of much interest, are practically ready for publication. The compara- tive method was used with success also by Dr J. Walter Fewkes XXII BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY in the interpretation of the symbolism depicted on the pottery of the Hopi and other Pueblo peoples, while the results at- tained by Mr Gushing in his technologic researches were made tangible only by constant use of the comparative method in seeking the mystical motives of the primitive artisans. Prog- ress has been made by the Director in formulating the method for the guidance of future inquiries. Although retarded by ill health, Mrs M. C. Stevenson made substantial progress in her analysis and discussion of Zuni mythology during the year, though the portions of her memoir already completed have been withheld from publication pend- ing the revision made necessary by further researches concern- ing certain of the ceremonies. Toward the close of the fiscal year Mr McGee undertook an inquiry concerning certain mystical symbols, such as that known as the swastika, so common among the decorative devices of the American aborigines, and these graphic devices were compared with the mystical number systems involved in the primitive Cult of the Quarters. The investigation served to indicate that neither finger counting nor quinary and deci- mal number systems are primitive, but are products of binary and quarternary sj'stems, modified through magnification of the Ego in the manner described in previous reports. The inquiry also afforded useful results bearing on the develop- ment of right-handedness and on the orientation instinct which survives even in the highest culture stages. A preliminary discussion was incorporated as an accompanying paper in the last report, but the principal results are reserved for incorpo- tion in a memoir dealing with the time concept of the Papago tribe. Toward the close of the year Dr Cyrus Thomas was led to a comparison of the number systems of the northern tribes with those revealed in the codices and other aboriginal records of Mexico, and prepared a memoir on the subject, which was incorporated in the last report. After his return from Omaha, at the close of the Exposition, Mr Mooney began preparing for publication his extensive col- lection of Cherokee myths and searching for parallels in the ADMINISTRATIVE BEPOKT XXIII records comprised in the archives of the Bureau, as well as in the published literature; and his voluminous memoir waa completed in time for incorporation in the last report. Work in Descriptive Ethnology Mr F. W. Hodge continued supervision of the material for the Cyclopedia of Indian Tribes and made sucli additions to the work as his duties in other directions permitted. Dr Cyrus Thomas spent the greater part of the year in reviewing and extending that portion of the work relating to the tribes of the Siouan stock. His progress in examining the extensive literature involved and in preparing the material for publica- tion was satisfactory. During a portion of the year Colonel F. F. Hilder, ethnologic translator, was occupied in translating archaic Spanish records of especial value in connection with the Cyclopedia. One of these is a manuscript written in 1782, and describes the tribes of Texas with unequaled fullness. T^ e manuscript is anonymous, but Colonel Hilder succeeded in identifying the author as Padre Morfi. Miscellaneous Work Library and publications. Mr F. W. Hodge has remained in charge of the library, and has also continued editorial work on the reports. During the year he outlined a plan of library arrangement on the basis of the classification of anthropic science set forth in this and preceding reports, thus preparing the way for a systematic catalogue for the use of the collab- orators and the many visitors to the Bureau. The editorial work of the year has been especially arduous by reason of the considerable volume of matter in the hands of the printer and the number and elaborateness of the accompanying illus- trations, but his work has been performed with energy and ability. Translation. During a considerable part of the year Colonel F. F. Hilder has been employed as ethnologic translator, and, in addition, has performed the duties of chief clerk. One of his translations is noted in an earlier paragraph; others made from time to time as needs arose have greatly facilitated the XXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY preparation of the Cyclopedia of Indian Tribes, the researches concerning the Seri and Papago Indians, and other lines of work. Illustrations. Mr DeLancey W. Gill has remained in charge of tlie photographic laboratory and of the preparation of illus- trations by other than photographic means, and the progress of his work has been highly satisfactory. The additions to the photographic negatives representing Indian visitors to Wash- ington and the work of field parties have been unprecedented. COLLECTIONS Among the special collections made during the year were those of Mr McGree and Mr Holmes in California, comprising stone artifacts in considerable number and variety, baskets, and other objects, the collections being of special value in that they represent typical prehistoric workmanship and typical modem workmanship combined, and in that they were made on the ground by experts in archeologic and ethnologic research. Another collection of special interest, though of somewhat limited extent, was made in southern Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego by Mr J. B. Hatcher; a portion of the material was received during the year. A number of typical collections made by correspondents of the Bureau and others were also acquired during the year. One of these includes the Wichita house and house furniture obtained by Mr Mooney, mentioned elsewhere; another is the suit and regalia of Kahkewaquonaby (afterward called Dr Peter Edward Jones), a member of the Messissauga tribe of the Ojibwa; a third is a small but rare and significant lot, including a beau- tiful example of the stone yoke, or ceremonial collar, obtained from Mexico through the agency of Mr Holmes. PROPERTY The property of the Bureau was classified and described in some detail in a previous report. During the past year a number of manuscripts have been added to the archives, chiefly by contribution from correspondents, and others have been ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV produced. Tlie collection of photographs of Indian subjects has been materially enlarged, jjartly through photographing the individuals and groups of Indian delegations to Washing- ton; while the library has increased at a normal rate, chiefly through exchanges. FINANCIAL STATEMENT Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1899, "for continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians, under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or com pensation of all necessary employees and the purchase of all net^ssary books and periodicals, $50,000, of which sum not exceeding $1,000 may be used for rent of building" (sundry civil act, July 1, 1898) $50, 000. 00 Salaries or compensation of employees $34, 306. 34 Special services $414. 23 Translating 75. 00 Traveling and field expenses 2, 114. 19 Ethnologic specimens 4, 499. 00 Publications 453. 33 Drawings and illustrations 574. 25 Books and periodicals for library 1, 164. 70 Oftice rental 916. 63 Office furniture 63. 81 Stationery, supplies, etc 1, 692. 92 Freight 377. 35 Postage, telegrams, etc 41. 51 Miscellaneous 271 . 74 12, 658. 66 Total disbursements 46, 965. 00 Balance, July 1, 1899, to meet liabilities 3, 035. 00 CHARACTERIZATION OF ACCOMPANYING PAPER Primarily Professor Holmes's monograph on aboriginal ]X)t- tery of eastern United States is a description of the fictile ware classified by districts, so far as practicable by tribes, and also by technologic types. The art of the potter is old, far older than written history, so that its beginnings can never be traced directly. The antique and prehistoric wares them- selves yield a partial record of the development of the art, and the archeologists of the Old World have been able to supple- ment and extend the written history of pottery making through study of such material, and their researches have lent interest to the ancient vessels and sherds with which the museums of the world are enriched. Yet the fictile ware of Egypt and Babylonia, Etruria and India, and other Old World provinces falls far short of telling the whole story of the art, since it fails to reveal the actual motives and senti- ments of the early artisans — the relics are husks of the history of pottery making without the vital kernel. Accordingly the archaeologic studies in America supplement the European re- searches in a highly useful way. In the first place, the period of pottery making by the American aborigines was compara- tively short, so that the prehistoric and the historic are closely related; and, in the second place, the several liv-ing tribes within reach of cuiTent observation represent various stages in the development of the art, so that opportunities exist in America for studying the motives and sentiments of the arti- sans engaged in all of the earlier developmental stages of the art. In general, the craft of the potter may be said to arise in the social stage of savagery or the psychic stage of imitation, with its tedious growth through accidental improvement; in general, too, the art may be said to expand and differentiate in the succeeding barbaric stage with the attendant divinatory ADMINISTRATIVE BEPOBT XXVII concepts as motives; and it is this stage, with its protean forms, textures, decorative devices, and modes of manufacture, which has been found peculiarly inscrutable by students of the products alone. Now it is precisely this stage which is represented by most of the American aboriginal ware, both prehistoric and historic, and by the surviving tribes. Accord- ingly, Professor Holmes's description of the American ware, with its critical analysis of types and interpretation of motives, would seem to afford not merely a supplement to, but a sound foundation for, the history of the potters' art. TECHNOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF INDUSTRIES Introduction In former reports I have classified human activities as pleasures, industries, institutions, expressions, and opinions. In my last report I discussed pleasures as the science of esthetology. I now propose to set forth the nature of indus- tries as the science of technology, of institutions as the science of sociology, of expressions as the science of philology, and of opinions as the science of sophiology. An industry is an activity whose immediate motive is the production of welfare for self and others. The term welfare has various meanings, but here we use it as signifying welfare of life — not esthetic, moral, expressional, or mental welfare. An industry by this definition means an activity exercised to promote life. We must remember that in this discussion, which is meant to be scientific, whether it succeeds or not, the term industry is used in this sense and in no other. We use activities as a generic term including five species: esthetics, industries, institutions, expressions, and instructions. In this paper we are to consider industries. Technology is the science of industries. An industry is an activity whose purpose is welfare or livelihood. We must here make clear the distinction between esthetic activity and industrial activity. The maid dances for the pleasure of her- self or of others. If she dances for others it is a pleasure for them, though she may dance for gain — that is, welfare; still, it is an esthetic activity. A company of musicians make music for an audience; the audience pays for the entertainment. To the musicians the making of the music is an industrial activity, but to the audience it is an esthetic entertainment. Thus, whether an activity be designed for pleasure or for welfare will often depend on the point of view of the person interested therein. XXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 The housewife prepares the meal for her own welfare and for the welfare of others. She may flavor the food to make it more palatable; the purpose of the condiment is thus pleasure; but the preparation of the food is still an industry, the second- ary motive a jileasure. A feast is given for pleasure, but the food still sustains life ; so pleasure and welfare are concomitant. In high civilization many activities are pursued for the pleas- ure of the people by persons who have welfare as their purpose. Again, what is conducive to welfare may be productive of pleasure. The housewife in preparing the meal for welfai'e may have, and usually does have, these double motives. If we neglect the motive of welfare and act only from the consid- eration of pleasure, pleasure itself may be curtailed or pain may be produced. If the housewife, in catering to pleasure, uses condiments that are unwholesome, pain may be produced, and whether her act in compounding the cake be good or evil in effect will depend on whether she has considered both wel- fare and pleasure; only then do her acts become wise. Motives are many and usually compound, and it requires no small degree of abstraction to discover the elements of motive even in self, while in others, whose minds are expressed in their acts, the task is still more difficult; for though the motive is best read in symbols of deeds, still, whether it be good or evil is often difficult to say. But every activity is performed for a purpose, and all demotic activities are per- formed for demotic pui-poses. We are now classifying activi- ties as demotic activities; but in classifying them in this man- ner we must ever remember that altruism is founded on egoism and that a demotic activity has an individual effect on the doer. A man may play the Aaolin for others in order to gain money with which to make a journey of pleasure; thus his motive may be immediate pleasure for others and remote pleasure for himself. This is a concrete world, and abstractions do not exist in themselves, but only in human consideration as abstracts. Every abstract has its concomitants from which it can not be dissevered, except in consideration. We may classify motives as motives for pleasure, welfare, peace, expression, and wis- dom; and by abstraction we may consider anyone of these POWELL] TECHNOLOGY XXXI motives, although they can not exist apart. Every activity, wlien performed, involves all the concomitant effects. The world is concrete, but the method of consideration is often abstract. Industries are classified as substantiation, construction, mechanics, commerce, and medicine. Substantiation Certain activities of welfare are fundamental thereto, because they are necessary to life. We must breathe air, we must drink water, we must eat food, we must seek shelter from the elements, and we must wear clothing In the pursuit of these necessities of life human activities are employed, even in the primordial stage of savagery. Four of these necessary activi- ties are pursued by the lower animals — they seek water, food, and shelter for their young and sometimes for their compan- ions — but artificial clothing is not worn by them. Activities pursued for the welfare of self and others are industries. The natural kinds fundamentally necessary to man are found by experience to be air, water, rocks, plants and animals. Air is necessary at every minute of life, and it is so abun- dant that man is not required to produce artificial air, though as civilization advances he finds it necessary to provide for its purity. Water also is abundant. Man does not find it necessary to produce water from its elements, but he does find it necessary to produce it at the place where it is needed and to provide for its purity. Minerals are found to be useful to man primarily, perhaps, for shelter; soon they are found useful as tools, and he engages in their production by quarrying and mining. Plants are found to be useful to man as food in all its varie- ties, as sap, leaves, bark, roots, seeds, and fruits. Plants are also useful to man in providing shelter, and various parts of the plant are used in the construction of houses by human devices. Plants are also found useful to man as fibers in clothing. XXXII ADMINISTKATIVE REPOKT [eth. akn. 20 Finally, animals are useful to man for food, shelter, clothing, and other purj)oses. Thus, tribal man utilizes all of these kinds or natural sub- stances, for which he especially develops the industries of quarrying (the simpler stage of mining) and agriculture for the production of natural plant products and natural animal products. Tribal man uses natural substances developed by natural chemistry; civilized man not only uses the natural substances, but he produces innumerable artificial substances by artificial chemistry. The production of kinds or substances, whether natural or artificial, leads to the distinction which we are trying to make of the class of industries which we call fundamental industries. They are those in which men engage for the purpose of pro- ducing substances, whether they be natural or artificial. Fun- damental industries may well be called substantial industries because they produce substances. All industries ai'e productive industries, and the product is consumed. Production is thus the correlative of consumption, and correlation must be distinguished from reciprocality and from antithesis. Reciprocality is a relation as of a whole to the parts of which it is composed; antithesis is a distinction as between good and evil; correlation is a relation between terms neither one of which can be expunged alone. We must make a distinction between producing kinds and producing forms. A man may produce apples by cultivation ; he then produces a kind; when he produces cider from the apple he produces another kind or substance. A man may produce a flint by quarrying it, or he may produce it even by picking it up; he then produces a kind of rock; but when he makes the flint into a knife, he produces a form. In tracing a series of transmutations from material to product, we may always reach a stage where the material is finally consumed or used. To use an unfamiliar but very useful term, borrowed from metaphysic, we may say that an entelechy is ultimately reached. The entelechy is the final end had in view by the exercise of an activity. In tracing material through its transmutations from its POWELL] TECHNOLOGY XXXIII original state to its final purpose, tliere arise a succession of correlations, the terras of which are known as jn'oduction and consumption. How these terms are used will be made clear by a few illustrations: Primitive man produces flint from the quany and consumes it in making the arrowheads which he produces. With his arrowheads he produces rabbits; thus his arrowheads are said to be consumed when they are lost or destroyed, but there is still the production of rabbits from the wold, and this production is consumed as food. The farmer purchases a tract of land covered with forest. The forest land he converts into a field ; the forest he con- sumes perhaps for fuel, and the fuel is the product which he consumes for welfare, and the entelechy is reached. The field remains, from which he grows corn, and at the harvest the year's production of the field is consumed; but the corn remains as a product, which is material for the miller, which he con- sumes as miller's material by grinding it, thus producing meal; the meal is baked by the housewife, who consumes it as meal in producing bread, and the bread is eaten by the farmer's household and consumed, thus producing welfare, which is the entelechy. The lumberman cuts logs in the forest; he consumes forest trees and produces logs; the raftsman consumes them at the place where they were produced and delivers them at the mill as the product of his labor; the product is the log delivered at the mill. The log is material for the miller, out of which he produces lumber; logs are consumed and lumber is produced. To the builder the product of the miller is material which the builder consumes in the product of his labor, which is a house; the domiciliary user consumes the house in welfare, and this welfare is the entelechy. Maybe the lumber is used for making furniture, then lumber is consumed and furniture is produced, and the furniture is consumed in the production of welfare, which is the entelechy. The planter purchases a field on which he raises cotton; the time of the field, that is, its power of producing for a year, or, in other terms, the interest of the purchase money for the field for a year, is consumed in the production of a crop. 20 ETH— 03 III XXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE EEPORT [eth. ann.20 The labor on the field is also consumed, and the field of cot- ton is produced. Then the cotton from the plant is picked, and the field of cotton is consumed by the picking of the cotton bolls ; the cotton now becomes the material for another process. Overlooking minor operations, it becomes material for tlie spiimer, who makes a product of yarn; the cotton and the labor employed are consumed by the man who makes a prod- uct of cloth. Then the tailor consumes it as cloth, together with an amount of labor necessary to make it into clothing; then the clothing is consumed by the wearer, when it reaches its entelechy. Thus land, by a series of human processes through intelligent labor, produces welfare through a series of changes in which labor is consumed. In the course of production from one kind to another and from one form to another, the domain of nature and art is ran- sacked for the purpose — air, water, land, plants, and animals are utilized and a multitude of persons are employed. In the consideration of production we must contemplate the natural material found in air, in sea, in land, in plants, and in animals. The air is ambient over all the surface of the earth as a hollow sphere of gas. The sea has its gulfs, bays, and straits, with its auxiliaries in springs, lakes, and rivers, while the lower portion of the air is laden with moisture which is partially gathered into clouds and precipitated on the earth in rain when favorable conditions prevail. Thus the water is a sphere of liquid which intervenes between air and land. The sea with its auxiliaries yields its materials and the air yields its materials. Plants are scattered over all the surface of the land not covered with liquid water, and over a part of the sur- face of the land which is covered with liquid water, and over a part of the surface of the water, while animals inhabit the atmosphere and the watery envelope or hydrosphere. What is usually called the land is but the upper surface of a third sphere of solid rock which is denominated by geologists the lithosphere; this lithosphere contains another and important portion of the substances which are produced for the welfare of mankind. The lithosphere, the hydrosphere, and the atmos- phere, together with the plants and animals of the earth, con- i-owEiL] TECHNOLOGY XXXV stitute tlie environmeut of mankind. All human industries are therefore included in the consideration of the sources of the substances which men produce. Hence, when we classify the substances of the environment in these five groups, we classify them in coordinate groups from the consideration of the environment of man, though we may afterward subclassify every one of these groups. We are not classifying substances into fundamental classes, but we are classifying the substances used by man into fundamental classes, and the subclassification will still include only the substances used by man. Man is a denizen of the air; he lives on that portion of the surface of the lithosphere which is called dry land, where the watery envelope is vapor. Thus he is directly connected in his environment with the three spheres and utilizes them for his purposes. Man is not content with the natural products of the lithosphere, but he seeks to improve them. He is not content with the natural products of the hydrosphere, but he seeks to improve the water by purifying it or by charging it with other substances. He is not content to drink like the beast from the pool or the stream, but he seeks to bring the water to himself in the most convenient and best manner in which to enjoy it. Man is not even content with breathing the atmosphere, but he seeks to procure it in its purity, so he ventilates his habitation and otherwise secures the greatest purity. Man is not content with the plants as they are fur- nished by nature, so he improves them by cultivation and multiplies those which are useful to him and destroys those which are useless or injurious. Man is not content with the animals, so he improves them by zooculture and he destroys the useless and the injurious. To designate those industries in which men engage for the purpose of producing kinds or substances, we need a technical term which will distinguish them from all other industries; for this purpose I use the word substantiation, which must here mean the artificial production of substances for human welfare. I have sought long and far for the best term. I may not have chosen wisely, but I have chosen with all the wisdom of which XXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 I juu possessed. It does not lie in tlie prerogative of another to reject my term when lie attempts to miderstand my meaning, though it may be his prerogative to use another terni when he desires to express the same meaning. If" the distinction pointed out is a valid one, and useful for scientific purposes, a dis- tinctive term is necessary; if the distinction is invalid or unfruitful to science, it may be neglected. Do not quarrel with me about my terms, but quarrel with me about my dis- tinctions. If you decide that the distinctions are good, then accept my terms as they are used, still reserving the right to use better terras when you wish to set forth the same concepts. In the transmutation of materials into products, the ])rocesses must be invented; but the product which is sought in manu- facture may be but a small part of the material used. Metals are extracted from the ores, while the residuum is often value- less. Quinine is extracted from the bark of cinchona trees, and the product is very small compared with the trees. Some- times secondary products are found still of value to mankind. From asphalt and other hydrocarbons illuminating products are manufactured, and from the substances which do not subserve this purpose aniline dyes are extracted. So by invention a multitude of substances are derived which serve human purposes. Forever by art, substances are multiplied and their manu- facture is specialized. (1) In modern culture man produces pure air by purifying it; (2) he produces pure water by purifying it; (3) he produces various substances by mining and mietallurgy and other chemic processes; (4) he produces plants by plant culture, and (5) he produces animals by zooculture. Thus, the fundamental industries, which we here call industries of substantiation, are industries for the produc- tion of kinds. Construction The next class of industries in which men engage are those which are designed to modify the forms of things for use. Here we must call attention to the distinction which we make between kind and form. In popular usage these terms are interchangeable, but in science we must use terms with single POWELL] TECHNOLOGY XXXVII meanings; this is a fundamental requirement. The failure to observe this law opens the door to idle and vain speculation. We may find an illustration of what is meant by kind in ordi- nary enumeration and in the devices which men have invented to represent numbers. We have ten units as a sum; the ten units constitute but one ten, twenty units constituting two tens, and a hundred units constituting ten tens. The ninety- ninth is but one of the units of a hundred; it is but one in the last unit of the second order which constitutes the hundred. Counting is fundamentally determination of kind ; and count- ing, like classification, is first determining a kind and then seriating the kind to obtain the class. I wish to count the horses in the field, and I must first distinguish the horses from all other kinds in the field and then enumerate them. This is counting. But if I distinguish the kind of horse and include them all as horses, I thus include all of this kind in nature. The diff"erence between counting and classifying exists solely in the nature of the series whicli we consider. I invariably use kind in this sense and in no other. Form signifies figure and structure, and implies the relative position of the parts which make up the whole. This distinc- tion which 1 make between kind and form must be held per- manently. You must not fall into the liabit of confusing the terms as is done in common speech. In science we must use form to mean one thing and kind to mean another, and vinless we adhere to this it is impossible to make scientific advance. Every man loves to use words as his neighbors use them, for speech is but a convention, and unless the convention is under- stood by others it is an unknown tongue; but no man has a right to demand of another that he use his words with the same meanings as himself if the other defines his meanings, and still less has he the right to demand that another should use a word with many meanings and thus obscure his language. Man produces the clay when he digs up the kind of clay, or he may produce the kind of clay by mixing ingredients; but when he molds the clay into a brick he determines the form. He may mold the clay into a vessel; then also he determines the form in which it is useful. XXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE EEPORT [eth. ann. 20 Man produces forms of things that he may utilize air, water, rocks, plants, and animals. He utilizes air when he produces things that insure proper ventilation. A chimney is a form for this purpose; an opening in a room and a shaft in a building are forms of this character; a fan is a form designed to secure a better movement of the air. For the utilization of water primitive man constructs a gourd into a drinking cup, or he moulds clay for the purpose of holding water, or he constructs wickerwork jugs for this pur- pose; so man digs wells and constructs reservoirs, and lays pipes for the transportation of water, and in higher civilization he constructs filters for the purification of water. Thus innumerable forms are constructed by man for the utilization of water. In the same manner many forms are produced for the utili- zation of rock material. The rocks are built into houses as rock structures proper; the clays are molded into bricks or adobes to be built into houses. Iron is extracted from the rock and molded into innumerable forms for men's use. Cop- per, gold, and silver are iii like manner produced as sub- stances and wrought into forms which serve men's purposes for welfare. Plants are used for fuel and wrought into fonns that they may be utilized in stoves and furnaces. Plants are also wrought into forms of lumber and used in constructing forms: houses, furniture, vehicles, and ten thousand other shapes, that they may be useful to man; and many substances are extracted from plants to be wrought into forms. Many resins are used in this manner; indeed the forms produced from the product of the rubber tree that are useful to man are too great for enumeration. Time fails me to tell of the innumerable forms into which animal substances are wrought for the use of man. But animal substances and vegetal substances have their grand use as food. The forms into which they are converted before they reach the entelic use are innumerable, but the subject is so often illustrated in daily life that to call attention to the fact is all that is necessary to our purpose. POWELL] TECHNOLOGY XXXIX 111 the production of entelic forms many ancillary forms are produced. These, perhaps, are so apparent that they need no further illustration ; but the forms which are produced by man through industrial processes that serve the entelic purpose of welfare are innumerable, and when we distinguish them it becomes necessary for us to group these industries under one tenn in order that they may properly be distinguished from the industries of substantiation and from others which we have yet to consider. I shall therefore call them the industries of con- struction, as that term seems best to convey the concept. In late years there has grown up in science the use of a term which clearly sets forth the nature of the products of construc- tion as the term is here used. This is artifact; the ^Jroducts of constnietion are artifacts. Construction, therefore, is the industry of producing artifacts, just as substantiation is the industry of producing substances. As substantiation is the art of producing substances from air, water, rock, plant, and animal, so construction is the art of producing useful artifacts from air, water, rock, plant, and animal. Form and kind are concomitant. There can be no kind without form, and there can be no form without kind, and the distinction which we here make is but a distinction in consid- eration which classifies the industry. The world is concrete; but man's method of looking upon it is often abstract, and so his knowledge is ultimately built up into concepts of concrete things, which are first considered as abstract things when con- cepts of abstract things are utilized. All properties and quali- ties are abstract, but they inhere in concrete things. Con- crete bodies and their abstracts as properties and qualities require abstract concepts for their cognition. Again must we recall the demonstrations of the pentalogic essentials of every particle of matter incorporated into the bodies of the universe. That there are five and only five of these essen- tials is the ultimate purpose of this discussion, and the ultimate demonstration must remain in view if we ai'e to understand the nature of the argument. XL ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 Mechanics In classifiying industries as those of substantiation or those of construction, we were compelled to use terms with specific meanings, and we selected the terms used because they seemed to be the most available for that purpose and because there seemed to be no terms in use for the industries which we wished to discriminate. Manufacture etymologically means "making by hand." In all industries the hands are used to a greater or less extent, and the term is used with this wider significance, so that its etymology and wider use alike forbid its employment to signify what we desire when we adopt the term construction. In the case of mechanics we have a term which is already used in science for the purpose we wish, sig- nifying the industries which have for their purpose the utiliza- tion of powers. The mechanical devices, as forms which are employed in the utilization of powers, are the hammer, the lever, the wedge, the wheel, and the pulley. A hammer is a device for condensing the motion of a pon- derable body through a space in a time and expending it in an instant; or it may be defined as the method of expending gathered momentum in the instant of impact. A lever is an instrument which is used with a fulcrum to move a weight by taking advantage of the motion in an arc of a larger circle in the coiTelative arc of a smaller circle, so that the force of the long arm is expended in the short arm. A smaller mass is thus made to move a larger mass, but the smaller must move a greater distance. A hammer which is used for percussion is often supplied with a handle, which is a lever with a fulcrum in the edge of the hand. Thus the long arm of the lever is next to the hammer, and the momentum of the hammer is increased thereby. A wedge is an inclined plane used to subdivide the distance of the weight moved into minute parts. The wedge itself is usually employed in conjunction with the hammer, the wedge being a device for subdividing the distance moved, and the hammer being used to take advantage of the force of per- cussion. POWELL] TECHNOLOGY XLI A wheel is a device for reducing friction, and the friction is reduced inversel}' as the perimeter of tlie wheel is enlarged over the perimeter of the axle. The wheel is variously modi- fied for the reduction of friction. A pulley is a wheel or succession of wheels so geared that the force applied must move over a greater space than the weight to which it is applied; hence a larger mass may be moved by a smaller, as in the case of the lever. These forces — the hammer, the lever, the wedge, the wheel, and the pulley — are often combined in the same mechanism. Thus, in the screw, the lever and the wedge are combined, but the wedge is a spiral wedge. These fundamental mechanical devices are combined in a great variety of ways in the niachin- eiy of the industries. These devices for applying power are sometimes called the mechanical powers, and the powers themselves are called forces. Again I must remind the reader that there is no such thing as abstract power; it is always concrete, and its concomitants must always be considered when we consider real power as such. Power exists as an abstraction only in consideration. Having considered the devices for applying power, we have now to consider them as they are utilized in tools and machines. A tool may be defined as an implement employed to utilize human power. A machine may be defined as an implement employed for using any other power than that of human muscle. The tool is dependent on the hand and is adapted to the use of the hand, while the machine is adapted to the use of other powers than that of the hand, though these powers may be directly or indii*ectly controlled by the hand. A flint may be fashioned into a knife on a grindstone supported by a wooden horse; the grindstone is a tool, but it may be run by water power, when it becomes a machine, for it nmst be pro- vided with the apparatus necessary to utilize the fall of water. A hand hammer is a tool ; but a trip hammer is a machine, for some other power than that of human . muscle is used in its operation. The hand dasher" in a churn is a tool; a power dasher in our modern dairies is a machine. The flail is a XLII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [kth. ann. 20 tool used only by human power; the thrasher is a machme in which horse power or steam power is employed. In the multiplication of processes, which we have already illustrated somewhat, many machines are employed in the manufacture of a single class of products. Often these machines are housed for their protection and for the protection of the laborers who are operating them. Such a group of machines with their houses is called a mill or a factory. In the mill many machines may be used, and many tools, all designed for the common purpose of producing a class of objects. It now remains for us to set forth the classes of powers which are used by men to promote their welfare. These are muscular power, wind power, water power, heat power, and electric power. Muscular power. This power is the primordial force used by mankind. It was used first as human power, but in the second stage of human culture animals were domesticated and used as beasts of burden. Especially is one animal used for this purpose, namely, the horse, and the power of a horse for a definite period of time, established conventionally, has come to be used as the standard of measurement for powers. Ani- mals are used not only for carrying and hauling burdens, but they are used also for impelling machinery. Wind power. Wind power is used to propel machinery and especially in tlie navigation of water to propel A^essels, and the ma(-hinery devised for the latter purpose consists of masts and sails. In the early history of civilization the propulsion of vessels and the running of mills were relatively much more common than at present, and yet this power is widely used. Since air has been liquified it seems likely that this substance is to play a still more important role in mechanics, and that air is to become a commodity. Water power. Water power is used chiefly for the ninning of mills. The tides as they rise and fall are utilized in their onward rush to impel mills by the construction of the neces- sary machinery, and the fall of water in running streams is utilized for the same purpose. Water is used also as steam to connect heat power with machinery. POWELL] TECHNOLOGY XLIII Heat power. This power is obtained from the combustion of plants and animals and the hydrocarbon products derived from them. Steam is but a medium through which heat power is applied. Electric poiver. Electric power is also a medium for trans- mitting wind power, water power, and heat power; but it also seems to be an independent power itself. Not being a phys- icist I am not competent to properly discuss this subject. The whole discussion of mechanics may be considered as exceedingly elementary and to be but a simple exposition of common knowledge. It serves the purpose of this discussion all the better for this fact, for we are trying to exhibit the nature of the activities in which men engage for the pur})Ose of classifying them and discovering how five properties of matter, and only five, are recognized in these activities, and for the further purpose of showing how they lead to five classes of emotions. COMMEECE The fourth great class of industries in which men engage for the purpose of obtaining welfai-e is commerce. Men do not produce substances everyone for himself, but everyone for others. They do not produce (constructions everyone for himself, but everyone for others. They do not produce powers everyone for himself, but' they produce powers every- one for others. The substances, artifacts, and powers pro- duced are designed for the consumption of others; they thus become the materials for exchange, which are then goods. Goods are produced, as we have already seen, by substan- tiation, construction, and mechanics, and there are other agencies which we have not yet considered. These products pass from one person to another in exchange before they are consumed as an entelechy. Every exchange implies a pro- duction and a consumption until the entelic consumption is reached. The five properties of matter give rise to five elements of commerce, which we must now set forth. The first element of commerce consists of the goods or kinds of things which are exchanged. The second element is transportation, which XtIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. an.n. 20 means the transfer of commodities from one person or place to another. Tlie third element is the labor involved in niakinc" the exchanges. The fourth element involved is the money employed as the medium of exchange and measure of value. The fifth element employed is advertising, which is the method of informing those who desire goods for consump- tion that others have them and offer them in exchano-e for money. The five elements of commerce, therefore, are goods, transportation, merchandizing, money, and advertising. Every one of these elements of commerce involves activities — the activities of producing goods, the activities of transportation, the activities of exchange, the activities of finance, and the activities of advertising. They follow in this order from the nature of qualities which are derived from properties. Nature has established the order in which properties must be con- sidered, for Nature herself considers them in this order. Now we have to consider the five elements of commerce severally for the purpose of considering the elements of which they are composed. Goods. Goods are classified as esthetic, industrial, social, linguistic, and instructional. Esthetic goods are ambrosial, decorative, athletic, gaming, and fine-art goods. These may all be reclassified in five groups. We have already seen " how the fine arts may be classified, giving rise to goods which are musical, graphic, dramatic, romantic, and poetical. In the same manner indus- trial, social, linguistic, and instructional goods may be classi- fied and reclassified. Every value which man produces becomes goods, for in its production he expends activity, which is labor, and he receives in return for his labor the goods which he desires. In modern society the goods are obtained through an intermediate commodity — money — which is the measure of value and instrument of exchange. Transportation. As men produce not for themselves, but for others, and receive money in exchange which they expend for themselves, the things which they produce must be transported , 20 erty is not a concomitant of the body and inherent in the body itself, but that mind is independent of body and can hve apart from it, and when the mind leaves one body another mind may take up its residence there. This is the doctrine of ghosts as free, independent, and wandering minds. There are many phenomena which to the savage mind lead to this opinion. I may briefly mention them: The phenomena of dreams, where men seem to go out of their own bodies and wander about the earth; the phenomena of ecstasy, produced by excessive mental or physical activity, where men seem to have visions of other times and places or to hear voices which do not speak in their ears; the phenomena of hypnotism, where men seem to see scenes which are not naturally pre- sented to the hypnotized person; the phenomena of intoxica- tion, where men believe they observe that which bystanders know to be not true; the phenomena of insanity, where the diseased person has thoughts which are erroneous, in which case the savage believes that the ghost of another has taken possession of the invalid. The doctrines derived from these sources seem to be confirmed to the savage mind by the phe- nomena of shadows and especially of echoes. Hence, in tribal society a ghost life is held in universal belief. Thus to imputation is added the ghost theory, or spiritism. The savage man imputes the diseases which afflict mankind not to the bodies with which he peoples the world, but to the ghosts of these bodies. Hence we often find in a savage tribe that diseases are classified in a more or less vague way as the diseases of the stars, the diseases of the waters, the diseases of the rocks, the diseases of plants, and the diseases of animals. He does not consciously classify them in this manner, but he imputes them to the ghosts of these objects. When a patient is examined by the medicine-man, he may affirm that he has the elk disease, the bear disease, the wolf disease, the rattle- snake disease, or the green-snake disease, or he may say that he has the spider disease, or the fly disease. Especially are animals selected as the authors of ailments. I once witnessed the treatment of a child by an Indian shaman who claimed that its ailment was due to a little fossil abundantly found in ■■owELL] TECHNOLOGY LIII the carboniferous rocks of Colorado, and known as Athijris subtilita. I have many times known colds to be attributed to insects, toothache to be attributed to worms, rheumatism to be attributed to snakes, fevers to be attributed to birds; but on careful examination I have often found that the bodies of these things were not held to be the authors of the mischief, but that their ghosts were the active agencies. Not always can this explanation be obtained, and sometimes the thing itself will be exhibited as having been extracted from the patient; but, in the case of the Athyris, the medicine-man asserted to me that, when he extracted the disease from the child, he put the fossil in his mouth before he performed the act of suction by which the ghost was extracted, and that his office consisted in extracting the ghost from the child and returning it again to the body of the fossil. It may be worth while for me to state how widely prevalent is this doctrine of disease among the North American Indians. I have found it myself among many of the Shoshonean tribes, which occupy a large area in the western portion of the United States; I have found it among the Wintun of California and many other tribes of the Pacific slope; I have found it also among the tribes of the Gulf states, and have never failed to find instances in any tribe in which I have made diligent inquiry. Such causes for disease, however abundant they may be, must not be considei'ed to be universal as thev appear to the savage mind. The tribes of America seem rather to prefer to ascribe their evils to their enemies within the tribe, or still more often to their enemies in other tribes, for of course they believe in witchcraft. Especially are epidemics imputed to hostile tribes. The theory of the action of their enemies seems to be somewhat of this nature : That the shamans of the enemies have control over disease ghosts. But enough of this phase of the matter here. In barbarism, which is the upper stage of tribal society, the theory of disease undergoes marked development; not that imputation is abandoned, not that ghosts play a less important role, but that a new group of mythologic beings is developed. These mystic personages are personified phenomena of nature LIV ADMINI8TEATIVE EEPORT [eth. ann. 20 which exist as divine personages, partaking in the affairs of mankind. While the hosts of savage mythology still exist in the popular mind, the leaders lay more stress on the doings of these nature gods. The nature gods are supposed not to be pure spirits, but have a celestial home where they habitually dwell and where they are organized into a tribe of their own. Now, the same characteristics of imputation are found, the same ghost theory prevails; but in addition there appear a host of nature ghosts which also take part in the affairs of mankind by assuming the shapes of men and representing them on earth. These new deities play a special r6le in producing diseases among mankind, and their assistance is invoked to prevent and cure disease. In a higher stage of culture, when tribes are organized as feudal dependencies about city governments which are ruled by tyrants — which I have called the monarchical stage of society — there occurs a marked development of the agency of the stars in the affairs of mankind, especially in determining good and evil, and still more especially in determining the state of health and the condition of disease observed on earth. Thus astrology is held to be the ranking science of the world. In this stage diseases are imputed to the stars and to their position, especially at nativity and in other important epochs in the lives of individuals. Perhaps we have already said enough about the theory of diseases antecedent to scientific medicine. We now must consider briefly the theory of remedies which prevails in the savage, barbaric, and monarchical stages of culture. In savagery, men find their remedies as they are revealed to them in dreams, ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and even in insanity. In every savage tribe there are particular ceremo- nies and other means instituted by shamans for the purpose of invoking these aids to diagnosis, and especially of appealing to them for the discovery of remedies. The ceremonies which the medicine-men perform by themselves for the discovery of remedies can usually be distinguished from those which they perform over their patients to secure the proper action of their JEWELL] TECHNOLOGY LV remedies. In the one case ghosts are summoned to reveal the difficulties; in the other case the ghosts are commanded, abjured, begged, threatened, and in various ways induced to leave the body b}' ceremonial processes. But the shaman, to become such, nuist first drink his black medicine ; he must summon his tutelar ghost by fasting and feasting and by danc- ing or by long and intense contemplation, by one or another or all of the agencies for opening the portals of ghost-land ; and when the gates are ajar he communes with the spirits. Thus medical lore is acquired in these stages of society by dreams, ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and even by insanity. There are other methods of learning the potency of reme- dies. There springs up in savagery a body of occult learning which is a doctiine of signatures, which comes down to the present time. Plants that have red juices act on the blood; plants that have heart-shape leaves act on the heart. In like manner all forms or fancied resemblances of plants and ani- mals have a significance to the shaman as indicative of their medical potency. The world is ransacked to discover these wonderful things which can not help but reveal their use to the shaman eye. In early civilization the chemical transmutation of things seems to excite the greatest wonder, which leads to the devel- opment of a rude chemistry of transmutation. This new chemistry is alchemy, and the discoveries of astrology are met by the discoveries of alchemy. In this stage of culture, astrology and alchemy prevail as the lore of medical science, which is characterized by the emblems or signatures as they appear in astrology and alchemy. Could we enter into the subject we could show how the potency of words or of formu- las is now held to be of supreme moment. As poetry is now the fine art of allegory, so medicine is now the healing art whose lore is taught in allegory. When science comes, the art of medical remedies is emancipated from the art of alchemy, astrology is divorced from diagnosis, and the shaman becomes either a priest on the one hand or a physician on the other. Thus religion and medicine are divorced. But neither religion nor medicine is at once freed from superstition. The progress LVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 is slow, and forever there is a war in both departments between science and superstition. How long, oh, how long will it last ! We return now to the consideration of scientific medicine, merely for the purpose of classifying the science, for we are in quest of the evidence by which we desire to exhibit the facts relating to the five properties of matter, and to show that the sciences are legitimately classified by considering the leading properties in a science as the characteristics of that science, and then to see if such classification warrants the conclusion that there are but five properties of matter, and that in every body these five properties appear. In medicine we are attempting to show that the fundamental property on which the science is founded is consciousness, from which are derived the opinions by which physicians serve their fellow men to secure their welfare. We have tried to show that these opinions require a special study of the metabolism, anatomy, physiology, reproduction, and nervous organization of the human being. In addition to this, there is required a special study of the environment of mankind — the environment of air, water, rocks, plants, and animals, including human beings, by which the individual is surrounded. We might have resolved the immediate environment to more remote con- ditions in the universe, but have contented ourselves with the immediate or proximate environment rather for the purpose of showing that it is not necessary to make a final resolution of bodies and relations in order to discover pentalogic elements, although such elements appear whether proximate or ultimate conditions are viewed. The physician must be informed not only about the condi- tions of health in these realms of environment, but also the conditions of disease in the same realms, in order that he may properly advise his patient for the benefit of his sanitation, or that he may prescribe those remedies which are best adapted to allay the evil effects of his environment. For this purpose he studies the etiology or cause of disease. He must first study the disease itself in its symptoms, and then discover the origin of the disease in unfavorable conditions. We may pass over the study of symptoms, and the classification of diseases POWELL] TECHNOLOGY LVII themselves, for here we might antagonize contending pathies. Percliance, if I were quite honest, I would confess my inabil- ity to treat the subject as a medical expert. Then the physi- cian must be versed in the causes of disease, and he discovers these causes in air, water, rocks, plants, and animals. Now, we might reclassify these agencies of disease, but the discus- sion would lead us too far from our theme, for we are not writing a medical treatise, and it might lead us too far from our knowledge. Then we are immediately led to the discov- ery of remedies, and here again we strike upon the pentalogic substances which are employed as remedies, and show how substances, forms, forces, causes, and concepts are employed as remedial agencies. Here again we must stop, lest we enter into disputation and show our ignorance. SOCIOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF INSTITUTIONS Introduction Au institution is a rule of conduct which men make by agreement or which is made for them by some authority which they recognize as such. Many, perliaps most, of these rules are of great antiquity and are observed as customs, but new rules or modifications of miles are instituted from time to time as the exigencies of society demand. Thus, an institution is a recognized law of conduct devised by men. Law and institu- tion are often synonymous terms. We use the term law from the standpoint of considering the rule ; we use the term insti- tution from the standpoint of considering the origin of the rule. I prefer to define sociology as the science of institutions rather than as the science of law, because in sociology I wish to include a study of the law itself and also a consideration of the manner in which it originates and the agency by which it is enforced, whether by sanctions of interest, sanctions of punish- ment, or sanctions of conscience. The term law itself has a wider significance than that in which I wish to use a term here. Law is a general term signifying not only the law of man, but the law of nature, and I wish to use it in this broad sense. I choose the term institution to designate the law made by man; but this term is often used with a broader signification than that which I desire — thus, an institution may be an organized body of men, or it may even be the name of a building. We sometimes call a well-known organization of men the Smith- sonian Institution, and we sometimes call the building where they carry on their operations the Smithsonian Institution; but I here use the term institution to mean the rules of conduct instituted by men for the regulation of society, and do not include the material things which they produce by their industry. ux LX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. an.n-. 20 When we examine the subject-matter of any treatise on sociology we usually find it dealing with the laws or institu- tions by which conduct is governed, and with the attempt to enforce these laws by governmental, moral, customary, cere- monial, and fashionable sanction. I use the term sociology to distinguish one of five coordinate sciences, esthetology, tech- nology, sociology, philology, and sophiology; and I call all of these sciences demonomy. I classify the sciences of sociology as statistics, economics, civics, histories, and ethics, and shall attemjjt to characterize them for the purpose only of setting forth their nature. I shall not extend the discussion into a treatise on the sciences of sociology severally, my purpose being classification only; for the end in view is to exhibit the logical necessity of making a pentalogic classification of all the sciences of demonomy in order that I may set forth the nature of qualities and how these qualities are founded on the universal properties of substances, having in view still another purpose, which is to classify and characterize the emotions. Pleasure, welfare, justice, expres- sion, and opinion are concomitant; one can not exist without the other, hence there can be no sociology without esthetology, technology, philology, and sophiology. We must now explain why we put sociology third in the order of demotic sciences. In industries we discuss natural forces under the rubric of mechanics, but we discuss only the forces not human — we consider only those of the environment of mankind, or those which exist in the air, water, rocks, plants, and the lower animals, and consider how they are developed from natural conditions by devices of control. In sociology we consider human forces exhibited in activities which ultimately arise through metabolism, so that men con- trol their own actions or conduct in obedience to their judg- ments of good and evil. Thus sociology is the science of the control of human activities, not by mechanical devices as in mechanics, but by institutional devices. As the order of prop- erties and qualities has already been established, and motion or force found to be third, sociology is consequently third in the demotic sciences. rovmu.] SOCIOLOGY LXI Statistics Statistics is the science of the enumeratiou of human beings and the material things which they produce. Here we have to consider what is meant by enumeration or counting. First, counting is determination of kind, then it is the determination of the number of the kind. Classification consists in deter- mining the kind and in considering all of that kind in giv- ing it a name; but enumeration consists in considering that series of a kind which is determined by some human purpose. The conventional series is always considered in conventional numbers, while the natural series or class is all of the kind. Kind and form are concomitant, and thus forms may be counted, but usually such counting would lead to unwieldy, impracticable, or even inconceivable numbers; hence repre- sentative numbers are devised. The device used in reducing vast numbers to practical numbers is measurement. We do not count the grains of wheat, but we measure them in bushels. We do not count the blades of hay, but we measure hay in tons. We do not count the drops of molecules of wine, but we measure wine in gallons or by some other unit. Thus, measurements are adapted to the state in which the article exists, as gaseous, fluid, or solid, and the units of the different states are made commensurate. Animals may be counted without measurement, but they also may be measured; the method of measuring them is by weight. Other methods adopted in statistics for measuring forms is the measui'ement of spaces'; but in weighing, a force is measured — the force of gravity. This method of measur- ing does not give units in terms of motion, but units in terms of one mode of motion, which is gravity; therefore the units are in terms of force. There are other units of measurements devised in the arts, as for example those for light, heat, steam, electricity, etc., but we will not consider them here. The common units of measure are units of space or of grav- ity. Grovemments prescribe the units of measurement in the interest of justice, and the instruments of measurement are regulated by law and kept under government surveillance. LXII ADMINISTEATIVK BEPORT [eth. ann. 20 The unit for the measurement of values is of gold or silver, one or both; in the case of both, the ratio is established. These units of value are coined in pieces as forms, and the government stamp gives warrant to the correctness of the amount of metal which they contain. If the Government guarantee also their relative value, questions of great impor- tance arise, and these create political policies. If the Govern- ment coins only for itself, and purchases the metal which it coins, it matters not what the ratio may be. If it coins at a ratio which is not the market value of the metals, the more valuable metal at the ratio adopted will give value to the coins of the less valuable metal, and both classes of coins will cir- culate at the value established by law. If the mints of the Government are free to coin both metals for the public, and the legal ratio differs from the market ratio, the metal of lesser ratio value only will be offered for coinage, and the coins of the metal of greater ratio value will be driven out of circula- tion. Thus, in considering measurement of values many ques- tions arise which are s^^pposed to bear on the prosperity of mankind and especially on the people of a nation. But why are statistics collected? The statistics of popula- tion in the United States are collected as a government func- tion either by the nation or by the state for the ])urpose of fixing the basis of representation. Membership in the national and state councils is apportioned on the basis of population. The statistics of population, therefore, under our form of government, are necessary, for they are used as a basis for national and state legislation. School districts must have an enumeration of the children of school age who are to be pro- vided with schooling facilities. The county must have an enumeration of the persons who require charity that it may provide for their assistance. If the state builds an asylum for the blind, it must have the number of the persons to be enter- tained therein. Statistics are required by all sorts of busi- ness enterprises in order that men may act with intelligence. Thus a life-insurance company bases its rates of insurance on tables of statistics which show the probable average dura- tion of life from the age at which the insured persons sev- ™™^ELL] SOCIOLOGY LXIII erally applied. All intelligent action in business enterj)rise is dependent largely on accurate statistical information. This function of statistics we will designate as tlie function of information. Statistics are compared for different conditions to exhibit important relations of social life as causes of good or evil effects. The comparison is made of numbers taken at different periods in the history of a people for the pui-pose of exhibiting the evolution of social conditions. This leads us to the con- sidei'ation of statistics in verification. So common is this use that it would not be a bad definition to say that statistics is the science of the verification of soci- ologic inferences. The statesman, whose vocation is the study of practical government, deals largely with statistics, and the sociologist, whose theme is the social structure and its func- tions, resorts to statistics for the verification of his docti-ine. In this use of statistics the greatest care is necessary in order that unsound doctrines may not receive apparent confirmation. We may assume that kinds are j^roperly discriminated, that measures are reasonably accurate, that enumerations are well taken, and that com.parisons are wisely made. There yet remains a large field in the use of figures in verification in which they may be perverted to the sustaining of fallacies. This is the field in which they ai-e habitually used to verify theories of social evolution. Perhaps the most potent sources of such fallacies are the use of figures for comparatively short periods of time which do not admit of the elimination of ti'ansient causes, and the proneness of men to look at causes in the interest of parties, sects, and social classes, and to impute false causes to such social conditions as they may lament or admire. This brief discussion will jjerhaps suffice to set forth the elements of statistics, which must be considered as integral parts of the science. To understand statistics it is necessary to understand the science of kind, the science of measure- ment, the science of enumeration, the science of comparison, and the science of verification, as they are represented in the science of statistics. LXIV ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOBT [etii. an.s-.20 Causes are multitudinovis. Much of demotic invention is exercised for the purpose of discovering the particular cause most easily modifiable in the interest of human purposes. In the multitude of such devices the causes are examined in a multitude of ways by a multitude of people who naturally seek verification for their inferences as to the best methods of modifying causes. In sociology this verification is by statis- tics, and any arrangement of figures which appears to verify an hypothesis may easily be believed to indicate the true or modifiable cause of the effects considered. In all the field of human thoug-ht there is no region in which verification is more important than in sociology, nor is there any field in which pseudo- verification entails more misery on mankind. Men may claim to verify their speculations about motors, and an-ive at conclusions in which perpetual motions are supposed to be involved in mechanical constructions; but only the deluded persons themselves who are engaged in such enterprises as inventors, promoters, or capitalists, are deceived. But when social inventions which are supposed to accomplish "perpetual justice" ai*e adopted by men as bodies politic, calamity for the multitude is the result. Statistics are collected by governments in all their units as nations, states, counties, cities, townships or wards, and families. Within the governmental organization there are many other bodies corporate, such as educational institutions, ecclesiastical institutions, and industrial institutions. Every body of people is interested in the statistics which pertain to its functions. These secondary institutions are hereafter to be classified. We have thus found that the elements of statistics are classi- fication, mensuration, enumeration, information, and verification. Economics When, on the frontier, a log house is to be built, the man who proposes its erection invites liis neighbors to a house raising. The logs cut from the surrounding forest are brought to accessible places around the cabin site, and a yoke of oxen is made to drag them one by one into position for use. Four logs are placed on rocks as a foundation; upon these logs POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXV others ai-e placed by rolling them up on skids, and so log after log goes up and the house grows apace. That these opera- tions may be conducted successfully, a man is needed to drive the oxen; then a man is needed at each corner of the structure to fit the logs together where they cross each other near the ends. On each side of the house skids are used upon which the logs are rolled. As a log goes up a man at each skid stands ready with a chock to hold it in place as it is moved up by intermittent advances, and the two men at the corners receive the log, manage the adjustment of its position, and with their axes fit the ends of one log into notches in another in such manner that the house is well tied together. The logs are usually too heavy to be handled by a few men, hence a number are necessary to put them up, especially after the house grows, when the logs must be lifted to a comparatively great height. Thus the pioneer who is building a house enlists the services of many men to enable liim to accomplish that which he can not do alone. When many men assist in the work, every one doing a like part, their mutual action is sometimes called "solidarity" in political economy. When they assist one another by doing unlike tasks, as do the men who are managing the skids, and the men who are fitting the logs at the corners, and the men who are driving the oxen, their method of cooperation is sometimes called "division of labor." Hence cooperation is accomplished as solidarity and as division of labor. For the purpose of cooperation men unite in associations, sometimes only for temporary purpose, but often for a more permanent purpose. When such persons unite for an indefi- nite length of time, which may be for years or even for gen- erations, the association is known by a fiction of legal expression as a "perpetual person," and hence it is often said of some coi-porations that they never die. In sociology a corporation consists of a number of persons who associate themselves for a common purpose to secure solidarity and division of labor. Incorporation has its reciprocal in organization. When we affirm that a body of men constitute a corporation, we imply 20 ETH— 03 V LXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 that they are organized; if we affirm that they constitute an organization, we imply that they are incorporated. The same body of men constitute an incorporation if we consider the purpose of soHdarity, or they constitute an organization if we consider the purpose of division of labor. The body of a man is incorporated as a body ; but the body itself is differentiated or specialized into organs, as the term is used in physical science ; or its parts exhibit division of labor, as the term is used in social science. Thus three terms are used in the sciences to express the same concept — differentia- tion, specialization, and division of labor. In treating of sociology it would be better to use the term specialization of labor rather than division of labor, and the term integration of labor rather than solidarity of labor. We must now show the distinction which must be made between social incorporation and organization and physical incoi'poration and organization. In man the many organs are incorporated into one body by mechanical or physical bonds. The man is composed of actually coherent parts, but a society is composed of individuals who do not physically cohere. They may be together at one moment but apart at another, and mem- bers of the social corporation may wander about at will, inde- pendent of one another; they cohere only in purpose; that is, they have a common purpose, which is that for which the body politic is incorporated. There is thus coherence in purpose, but not coherence in mechanical structui-e. Purpose is some- thing which exists only in the mind. We may therefore say that social bodies are ideally incorporated, while natural bodies are physically incorporated. Having noted that incorporation is integi'ation, and that dif- ferentiation is specialization of parts, we have to note further that this organization and specialization is accomplished to con- trol the conduct of the members of the incorporation in relation to the purposes for which the society is organized. This con- trol of the conduct is control of the activities of the members; the control of the activities is the control of the motility of the members in coming together and in speaking at their deliberations, but the control of their motility is effected by POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXVII controlling their judgments. The individual members, every one for himself, control their motilit}', or, which is the same thing, their activity, by controlling the metabolism or affinity of their several members, so that pairs of muscles which are set in operation one against the other are made the one to con- tract and the other to relax. Thus, a physical control of the several persons who constitute a body corporate is ultimately resolved into the control of metabolism, which is the control of affinity. Tliere is a physical control of the conduct of the members through appeal to their purposes, which may be resolved into the control of affinity of particles. With this introduction we are prepared to consider the science of economics. Economics is sometimes called the science of wealth and its distribution. More fully defined, it is the science which treats of the nature of property, the accumulation of property as wealth, the use of wealth as capital, the use of wealth as investment, and the use of wealth as endowment, together with the relations of property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment to corporations. There are thus five elements for consideration in economics. First, property; second, wealth; third, capital; fourth, invest- ment; fifth, endowment. Every one gives rise to a group of corporations. The elements will be considered first. Property. We have seen that labor is human activity exer- cised for the purpose of producing welfare. In producing welfare industry produces property. We have already shown that the wants of men are wants for pleasure, welfare, justice, expression, and wisdom. Then, we have shown that the wants of men for pleasure are supplied by esthetic arts;" we have also shown that the wants of men for welfare are supplied by industrial arts;'' we are now attempting to show that the wants of men for justice are sup- plied by institutional arts; we shall hereafter show that the wants of men for expression are supplied by linguistic arts; and after that we shall show that the wants of men for wisdom are supplied by instructional arts. « Estbetoiogy. or tbe science of activities designed to give pleasure, in Nineteenth Annual Report ot the Bureau ol American Ethnology, 1900, p. LV. fcSee the previous paper, p. xxix. LXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE BEPORT [eth. ann. 20 In all these classes of arts some thing' is produced ior con- sumption, and we have already learned that tlie something produced does not immediately reach its eutelic purpose, but may remain in a state of disuse until an event of production changes it in some manner so that it may reach its entelic consumption. During all these stages it remains as pi-operty. This is true of all property of whatever nature. Then there is much prop- erty which requires a long timie for its consumption; for example, houses may remain to be consumed by a generation or even a succession of generations, but the houses are origi- nally produced from substances which men produce, and a house may not be wholly consumed by the domiciliary user without the production of intermittent repairs. Land is not produced by man froni original substances ; it is only improved by man that it may be rendered more useful through the jjro- duction of improvements. We are thus led to understand the nature of propert}' itself. It is something which serves men's purposes and which remains for a time more or less ephemeral in the possession of individ- uals, or of corporations, or even of govermnents, and may be exchanged from one possessor to another at any time while it yet remains; and its continuance in time is ended by the entelic consumption, except in the case of land itself, which does not cease with the production of one crop, but continues for the production of others indefinitely as long as proper cul- tivation is continued. Men create property by producing it through labor; when produced to the entelic state it is consumed, yet it may remain in stages of production and also in stages of consumption. In any of these stages it may be accumulated. The foundation of property is primordial appropriation from nature through labor. The tribal man who ajjpropriates fish from the sea constitutes it property, though it may be of an ephemeral nature. Still, while the food may be ephemeral, there may be appropriated other substances of longer value; thus, he may take whalebone, which remains a longer time as property; if he appropriates animals from the forest, their rowELL] SOCIOLOGY LXIX skins may be property much longer than their flesh. This appropriation from nature has been universal among mankind, and in its simplest form is always recognized as just. But there come complications in the appropriation from nature which give rise to differences of opinion about the extent to which and conditions under which this appropriation may be carried on. By civilized man land is thus appropri- ated; this is absolutely necessary that he may make it use- ful. As he appropriates it by labor, the labor on the soil first produces a single crop. The labor of appropriating the land perhaps does not obtain its full reward by the first crop, but the labor for the first crop enhances the value of the land for subsequent crops. All the land of the United States has been thus appropriated from nature — at first by individuals under grants from Euro- pean governments, but since the organization of the present government it has appropriated the land and has either sold it again to individuals or allowed them to appropriate it for themselves by homestead settlement. But in assuming the ownership of the land the general government has invariably recognized the prior titles to the land inhering in the aborig- inal tribes, and has purchased it from them by treaties, paying for the land by grants of money. The total sum thus granted is more than three hundred millions of dollars. The title of the Indians to the land was a title which arose out of a quasi appropriation of the same — not by improving the lands them- selves, but by gathering from the land their food, clothing, and shelter; still, in some cases the natives cultivated patches of soil. But the ownership of the land by these seemingly imperfect processes was fully recognized by the government of the United States. The title to the land obtained by appropriating it through the labor of improvement has always been recognized among modem civilized peoples. But there are other agencies which give the land value, not included in that produced by improve- ments. Land may have an ever-increasing value given it by extraneous conditions sometimes equal to or even greater than the interest on the investment as purchase money. The LXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth, ann. 20 interest on the purchase money may partly or wholl}' be paid by the sale of farm products. In whom should the increased value to the land inhere? Men are divided in their opinion about the just method of distributing these increments of value. Our purpose is'not to discuss such questions, but to point out the nature of the problems which are involved in the study of economics. Wealth. Here we have to note that the fundamental pro- duction of property is appropriation from nature by labor. The substance appropriated from nature becomes new prop- erty at every stage of production, as artifacts, powers, and goods. Forever the value of the property is increased. Thus, property remains only as property which is consumed as it is obtained, but property becomes wealth as it is saved. Frugality is thus the foundation of wealth, though industry and enterprise may contribute. Frugality, industry, and enterprise may add to wealth, for wealth already accumulated may be used as capital to increase itself. Capital. Property, which has become wealth, may now be considered as capital. Wealth may be used as capital in the purchase of machinery and the appliances necessary to the use of machinery, in the purchase of material for further stages of production, and, finally, in the employment of labor to aid in the industry of prodiiction. We have thus considered capi- tal in its use in manufacturing. In the same manner we may consider it in its use in commerce. These cases are sufficient, perhaps, to illustrate the principle. Investment. Capital may be invested in such manner as to produce more without the owner of the capital engaging in commerce or manufacturing or in any of the industries of sub- stantiation which we have heretofore considered. But as cajii- tal is of value in all of these industries, and as it may be invested with others who wish to conduct them, the interest on the capital may go to the owner of the capital. Thus capital becomes investment. That which in one stage we call prop- erty, in another stage wealth, and in another stage capital, we here call investment, meaning by that pure investment for interest. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXI Endowment. And yet we are to see property and wealth and capital and investment assume a fifth form ; this is endow- ment. Men are not all chiefly interested in the pursuit of physical welfare, and those most deeply interested have other purposes which they hold dear. The farmer may still be interested in his church and may be glad to endow his church ; the manufacturer may still be interested in a library and be glad to endow a library; the merchant may still be interested in a college and may be glad to endow a college. So some wealth at last becomes endowment. We have different stages of the same thing, and call these stages, severally, (1) property ; (2) wealth ; (3) capital ; (4) in- vestment, and (5) endowment. It would be convenient if we had a generic term to express these things. Let us call them all possessions. In the terminology of jurisprudence the word possession is somewhat ambiguous when it is used to denote a holding as something distinct from ownership. Thus, a horse may be said to be in the possession of a man who has the right to use it because he has hired it, and its more permanent ownership may be in another man. The man who has hired the horse has a right to its use during the time for which it is hired, but the ownership of the property is said to still remain in the man from whom it is hired. Still further, a thief is said to be found in possession of property when it is discovered in his custody, but the possession is fraudulent or criminal. Taking the term in all its uses, possession seems to be the best generic term to signify property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment. Here we need terms for a genus and its species, and select the terms as shown. It is the nature of property to be consumed, and it becomes property only because it can be consumed; but ultimate con- sumption may be postponed, and often consumption requires time. In the same manner it requires time for production, and in modern industry it often becomes necessary that the materials of nature should undergo successive stages of production in dif- ferent hands; so property exists in stages of production and in stages of consumption. Entelic consumption is forever in prog- LXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 ress, and what it produced is finally consumed. Wealth is that which remains over and above relatively immediate consump- tion. Capital is that part of wealth which is used by its owners in gaining other wealth. Investment is that part of capital which is used by its owners in gaining other wealth as interest, while the capital itself is in other hands in order that it may produce property for these others. Endowment is that part of investment which is dedicated to perpetual purposes, which the endowers believe to be important to mankind and from which they do not expect gain for themselves. We call all of these things possessions. Corporations The several forms of possession which we have described lead severally to forms of corporations. We have already defined corporations and shown how a body of men may be incorporated by organizing for a purpose. Assisting corporations. That form of possession which we have called property, in which the possession is held by the owner for consumption, gives rise to a class of corporations which we will call assisting corporations. They are necessarily temporary in their nature, but they are often organized. A group of forest m.en unite to make a circle hunt of deer, or a driving hunt of mountain sheep. Such a corporation would belong to this class. The instance to which we have already alluded of the men united to build a log house would be another example. In frontier countries the men of a community often unite to build a bridge across a stream, or they unite to work the roads, or they ixnite to burn the grass-lands that they may be more valuable for the production of natural hay. These instances will suffice to set forth the nature of what we call assisting corporations. Partnership corporations. Two or more men unite by form- ing a partnership to carry on a business together. They com- bine their limited wealth with their common labor. Perhaps .they employ assistance, but such assistance is ancillary to the object of the corporation. No further description is needed to set forth the nature of partnership corporations. PowELi] SOCIOLOGY LXXIII Creative corpcrations. The third class of corporations we shall call creative corporations. Here capital in larger quan- tities is organized, a company to operate the enterprise is organized, and the employees or laborers are organized, every one to accomplish some particular part of the work. It may be that a factory is built for the purpose of manufacturing shoes; in it there are many machines, each operated by a special expert, and all the operations are supervised by a foreman, or there may be a foreman and his assistant foreman. Modern industries present many illustrations of these creative corporations. First, there is an organization of capital; sec- ond, there is an organization of machinery; and, third, there is an organization of labor. This complicated organization I call a creative corporation. Creative organizations have the effect of instigating the laborers to organize societies which are known as trade unions, of which something more hereafter. When employers organ- ize, employees organize. Thus power offsets powei*. Investing corporations. We have seen how capital becomes investment. Investment is for interest. But there comes at last a stage in which the investors themselves organize as stock companies, not for the purpose of operating industries, but solely for the purpose of investing, while other corporations can-y on the operations. These I call investing corporations. They might, perhaps, just as well be called stock, corporations. Societies. We next come to that class of corporations to which endowments pertain ; these are usually called societies. It is manifest that each gi-oup of corporations which we have hitherto defined may be classified by the pentalogic qualities as those designed for pleasure, those designed for welfare^ those designed for justice, those designed for expression, and those designed for instruction. Yet, if we were writing a treatise on political economy it would be necessary to deal severally with assisting corporations, partnership corporations, creative corpo- rations, investing corporations, and society corporations, for there are principles of justice which specially pertain to every one of these classes. Thus, assisting coi-porations often assem- ble on the invitation of the person to be assisted, and whether LXXIV ADMINISTBATIVE EEPOBT [eth. ann.20 the invitation be heeded is wholly voluntary with the individual invited, and yet custom is almost as imperative as statutory law. Then there are special principles of jurisprudence which pei'tain to partnership corporations, which affect the responsi- bility of the parties to others, and the mutual ownership of the incorporators. In creative corporations the employees are more thoroughly differentiated from the proprietors, and the employees themselves are apt to organize trade unions, and the employers as corporations negotiate with the trade unions in important particulars. Again, in investing corporations the stockholders constitute a special body themselves, the mem- bers of which may not take a personal part in the creative cor- porations, although the members of the creative corporation may sometimes hold stock in the investing corporation. In these corporations the employees all receive salaries, but some are known as officers and others as laborers. In society cor- porations the purpose is usually to promote some desired end, the interest in which will continue for time indefinitely, as when schools are endowed or churches built. For present purposes we need not take up the classes of corporations seri- atim, but need only indicate their classification by qualities. Corporations for pleasure. A number of schoolboys wish to play ball. Two leaders are chosen, and each one selects his helpers and assigns to each a particular part in the game. He thus organizes a baseball nine, which is a corporation for pleas- ure. Nine men, with an additional number as alternates, are organized under a manager and play a game, not for the pleasure of themselves but for the pleasure of others, and receive from the others payment as a reward. The players may also take pleasure in the game, but their ultimate pur- pose is gain or welfare, so that it is welfare to the players and pleasure to the lookers-on. Whether the game is considered as a pleasure or welfare, provision must be made for render- ing justice when disputes arise, and hence there is an umjiire. Now, the persons assembled to witness the game take great delight in the skill manifested by the players. Their delight is not in the activity of play, but in the skill of those engaged in the play. At every moment as the play proceeds the "'w^i-i-l SOCIOLOGY LXXV players must use judgment, and their success depends as much on their judgment as on the skill with which they express it. The observers also exercise their judgment, and have their opinions about the players and about the judgments of the umpire, and express these opinions in approbation or disap- proval, and the crowd is boisterous with such expression. In this example we see that the five qualities are concomitant in the same game; but the controlling quality is pleasure, for pleasure is the purpose of the multitude who come to look on, and it is the purpose of the players to give them pleasure that they themselves may have gain. This illustration is used to set forth the nature of demotic qualities and how some quality becomes a leading motive in demotic activities, while all the other motives remain ancillary. Purposes can not be dissevered from one another in concrete activities, but they may be considered separately; that is, qualities are concomitant. It will be noticed that the players must be organized into a corporation, but the onlookers constitute but an aggregate of people, although they may be assembled in a dense crowd. They are not organized for a purpose, although they have the common purpose of pleasure. Corporations for welfare. There are corporations to promote the industries of substantiation, such as farmers' clubs, organ- izations for agricultural fairs, stock-growers' associations, and mining associations. There are corporations for the industries of construction, such as corporations for manufacturing, or societies for the promotion of a special class of manufacturers, such as bicycle manufacturers, men engaged in manufactur- ing leather goods, men engaged in manufacturing iron and steel goods. Not only do the capitalists themselves organize into societies, but the laborers organize into societies ; these are usually trade unions; thus the carpenters are organized, and the locomotive engineers are organized, and all varieties of labor may be organized in like manner. There are many corporations to promote the interest of merchants, which are partnerships to promote solidarity and societies to promote division of labor. There are corporations LXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE BEPORT [eth. ann. 20 of publishers to promote common interest, especially in the gathering of news, the publication of which gives circulation to advertisements. I need not consider such corporations further; they are apparent on the suggestion. Corporations for justice. All political party organizations are designed to promote and secure justice. Individuals may have other purposes, as advancement in political life, but the body of people who are thus organized have justice for their purpose. All ecclesiastical bodies are organized for the establishment and promotion of the principles of jtistice, but it is rather the higher principles which are considered as ethical principles. There is another motive for ecclesiastical bodies, which is the wish to promote sound ethical principles supposed to depend on the acceptance of sound theological doctrines. But what- ever the theory of ethics may be the ecclesiastical organization has for its pui-pose the control of human conduct in the interest of the jmnciples of justice. We need but to mention these principles to see the verity of this statement. The principles or elements of justice are peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity, for which all courts as well as all ecclesiastical bodies are organized. Corporations for the promotion of expression. At first sight these incorporations may seem to be hopelessly involved with corporations which have knowledge for their purpose, but on more careful consideration it will be seen that schools, which perform the double function of organizations for knowledge and expression, are in practice clearly differentiated. Of course schools for expression can not succeed without con- sidering the knowledge to be expressed, nor can schools designed for the increase of knowledge succeed in their pur- pose without considering how knowledge may be exj^ressed. In America the differentiation is well recognized by tbe com- mon practice of calling the elementary schools "grammar schools." In these grammar schools the primary object is expression; the ancillary object is thought to be expressed. The purposes can not be divorced, because expression and knowledge are concomitant; but we consider the primary object of the grammar schools to be expression. The teacher tow ELL] . SOCIOLOGY LXXVII who supposes that he can teach language without teaching the nature of the knowledge to be expressed will fail utterly. So that the teaching of language or expression resolves itself into teaching the best method of expressing judgments and con- cepts, and. before expression can be taught the nature of these judgments and concepts must be understood, that knowledge and habit of correct expression may be inculcated. The organizations which are designed tf) secure expression are therefore the common schools of the country, or, as they are often designated, the grammar schools of the country, includ- ing the modern organization of kindergartens. High schools, colleges, and universities consider the knowl- edge obtained to be their purpose, yet they do not neglect expression; in fact, it is only of late years that knowledge has become their primary purpose, and exj^ression but an ancillary purpose. Originally such schools were organized for the study of the languages in which knowledge was buried, and their purpose seemed to be expression rather than knowledge. Common schools are not the only corporations for expres- sion; there are schools or clubs of oratory and many literary clubs whose function is to train in expression rather than to dei'ive pleasure from literature. Corporations for the purpose of obtaining knowledge. There are many corporations of this character, and to properly set them forth we must touch them with the wand of pentalogy. Classified in this manner, they become corporations for instruc- tion in the knowledge relating to pleasure, welfare, justice, expression, and opinion. Thus fine-art schools are organized to promote a knowledge of the arts of pleasure, industrial schools to promote the arts of industry. We may pause here to note how the schools of industry are classified. (1) There are schools of substantiation, such as schools of agriculture and schools of mining; (2) there are schools of construction, sucli as schools of manual training; (3) there are schools of technology, which are schools of mechanics; (4) there are business schools, under various names, which are schools of training in commerce; finally, (5) there are medical schools. Returning to the principal series, we find schools of justice; LXXVITI ADMINISTKATIVE EEPOKT [eth. ann. 20 these are known as law schools. Then there are schools of expression, as we have already shown; finally, there are schools whose pxirpose is knowledge; these are the high schools, col- leges, and universities. In addition to these there are many corporations designed to promote knowledge. After this consideration of the subject we are prepared to give a new definition to the science. Economics is the science of the relation of production to consumption through the media- tion of corporations. Civics In characterizing the science of economics we have set forth the nature of possessions as exhibited in property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment; then we have set forth the nature of the corporations to which possessions give rise. Corporations are groups of men organized for a purpose. We have further set forth that these groups of men may be classified to correspond with the fundamental classification of the qualities. From the demonstration of this subject the reader obtains a more or less clear concept of the way in which human interests are involved, and the relations which men sustain to one another. Forever we learn that the individual is compelled to consider the interest of ■ others. Cultured man inherits from the brute condition extreme egoism which the development of the arts is forever correcting. It is thus that the many individuals are incorporated into societies and finally into nations where every man is com- pelled to consider other men as partakers of his interest because he can not serve his own without first serving the purpose of his neighbor. This is the fundamental lesson taught by economics. Only a few men can obtain food for themselves — the vast majority must eat from other men's cribs. Only a few can wear clothing produced by themselves — the vast majority must wear the clothing produced by others. Only a few men can take shelter in domiciles built by themselves — the vast majority must live in homes produced by others. Every man is dependent upon others for his existence, and in infancy is dependent upon others for his preservation, and he POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXIX remains still depeiideut in old age. Passing beyond the primordial principles of welfare, we still find the individual dependent upon others for his pleasure; we still find him dependent upon others for his language, for no man has ever invented a language, and the language used by one man would be the language of a fool. For his opinions every man is indebted to others. None of the opinions of mankind could exist to-day without culture, and culture implies that human knowledge is derived chiefly from others and that language is necessary thereto. The act of a man to seek his own interests regardless of the interests of others is a crime. In specialized society men must seek their own interests by promoting the interests of others. This is the law of political economy by which wealth is pro- duced. Self-interest may blind men's eyes to their true rela- tions to others in relation to property. The brutal self-seeking which is inherited must by some agency be thwarted, else others suffer and hence self suffers. Then, the passions of men blind their eyes, and their passions must be controlled. By common agreement rules or laws for the government of conduct are established, and these established rules are enforced ultimately by punitive sanctions. As punitive sanc- tions become more and more certain, the resort to such sanc- tions becomes less and less necessary if some method is devised by which the contending parties may have their cases adjudged. This leads to the organization of government. Government is a scheme for providing an organization of the body politic which will lead to the settlement of disputes, with power to enforce judgment by punitive measures. Civics is the science of government. Government is organ- ized to promote and establish justice. There are five elements of justice, no one of which can be neglected if any other is secured, and at the same time justice is maintained. These elements are peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity. Peace. The fundamental principle of justice is peace, and primeval governments are organized to secure peace. There can be no pleasure without peace, and infractions of peace produce the most intense pain. LXXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ask. 20 Equity. On further consideration primeval man learns that he can not secure peace without exterminating tlie causes of infractions of peace. Every example of a disturbance of the peace is found to be the effect of some cause, and tribal man speedily reaches the conclusion that the causes which disturb the peace are the inequities which spring up in society. Per- haps men quarrel over the distribution of the spoils of the chase, perhaps they quarrel over their wives, but every infraction of the peace is seen to be caused by some inequity, and the ques- tion is asked, "How can these inequities be removed?" So tribal men attempt their removal by instituting courts of justice that peace may be maintained between the members of the tribe. They further find themselves involved in disjjutes and wars with neighboring tribes, and they make it a rule, even in the most primitive society, that the tribe, not the individual, has the right to declare war, and tliis declaration nmst be made by the council of the people. After the council has decided upon war, individuals on their own initiative may make the war, but the}' can not engage in such war without the tribal consent. We have seen that the incorporation and organization of social bodies is not fixed by juxtaposition of parts, but by purposes. Here we have to note that the equity which is necessary to the continual existence of social bodies is not equivalence of parts, as that term is used in physical science, but it is the equity of conduct. Equity, then, is the demotic term for equivalence. One man paddles the boat and another kills the game, but the gain is shared ; this is equity, or equiva- lence of rights. While one party is hunting another party may be fishing; each party shares in the gains of the other; this is equity, or equivalence of rights. Still another party may be engaged in defending the whole group ; all share in the protection, and all share in the food obtained; this is equity, or equivalence of rights. Equality. • Peace can be secured only if justice is maintained. That justice may be maintained, the entire tribal council must be consulted when it is assembled as a court of justice. The fundamental requisite for a decision of the matter in such a «)«Ei.i.] SOCIOLOGY LXXXI council is the equality of the members who compose the org«anizatiou. One man's opinion may weigh more than that of another; ecjuality of opinion is absurd, but equality of voice or vote in the council is necessary. So primeval man discovers the principle of equality, and from the first organi- zation of tribal society to the present time, human equality has been a princij^le of justice. That which masks the princi- ple of equality in the councils of early nations is the idea which grows up in barbarism and becomes thoroughly estab- lished in early national society, that guilt or innocence can be established by supernatural methods, and that the judgments of the council or tribal court should be controlled by super- natural agencies, as by ordeal; and when at last a stage of society is reached in which the ruler of the people is also the high priest of its religion, then the principle of equality necessary to the establishment of justice is temporarily over- thrown, for the man who can render supernatural judgment has supreme authoritv. The law of equality in demotic bodies is the law of equality in asserting judgments. Here we note that the equality is not that physical equality which is fundamentally expressed in science as the law that action and reaction are equal, but it is the equality of opinions of justice in the ti-ibal court, which may be resolved into equality of purpose — one man's purpose in rendering judgment must be equal to another's ))urpose in rendering judgment. They nmst be equal because the men have a common purpose in rendering a judgment. We have noted how equality is masked or even overthrown when the ruler becomes a high priest. In modern society, as in the United States, when the authority of the priest is over- thrown, equality is more or less masked, although it may exist. Here the body politic is a very large group of people occupy- ing extended regions. The court is no longer the council and the court combined, but special individuals are selected to constitute courts, and individuals are selected to constitute councils. In these councils the members are chosen by equality of votes, and they become representatives of all the people. But the council itself may be composed of two 20 KTH— 03 VI LXXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. a:i.] SOCIOLOGY XCI ei-ally for their ratification, in which case the constitutional majority, which is more than a plm-ahty, nmst affirm. We liave spoken i>f the org'anization of this nation as an example, but all other civilized nations have a corresponding organization which varies in differentiation of functions, but the same hierarchy of units is usually to be observed. In the same manner it is necessarv to consider that the differentia- tion of the departments of government varies from nation to nation throughout the civilized world, and that the principles of government which we have set forth as peace, equity, equality, liberty, and justice are differently expounded and applied to governmental affairs. HiSTORICS Histories is the science which records events of social life and shows the relation existing between social causes and social effects. A mere record of events is usually called annals, and furnishes the data for history. Only the history of peo- ples is usually called history, the history of individuals is usuallv called biogra])hy; but as we wish to include history and biography in the science which we are to characterize we shall call it histories, meaning that history and biography are included therein. We shall divide the periods or stages of social historj' intf) savagery, bai-barism, monarchy, and democracy. SAVAGERY To the ethnologist a savage is a forest dweller. In com- mon conception the savage is a brutal person whose chief delight is in taking scalps. Sometimes the sylvan man is cruel — but even civilized men are sometimes cruel. Savagery is a status of culture to the ethnologist, who recognizes four such stages, of which savagery is the lowest. Some of the Amerindian tribes belong to this lowest stage, while others belong to a higher stage which is called barbarism. Wishing to show my readers how a savage tribe is governed, I must at the outset ask them to consider the savage not as a man of cruelty, but as a man who takes part in a regularly organized government, with laws that are obeyed and enforced. What, XCIT ADMINISTRATIVE KEPORT [eth. ann. 20 then, is a savage tiibe, and how does tribal society diflfer from national society? The nation, like the tribe, is a compound group of people, the distinction between them being in the method by which the grouping is accomplished. All the people of the United States belong to the national group. They are citizens of tlie nation, and, at the same time, are divided into 45 groups as citizens of states. In every state there are counties, and the people of the state are citizens of one or other of these coun- ties. Then, again, tlie counties are divided into precincts, towns, or townships. Sometimes towns are divided into school districts, and cities into wards. And there are numerous vil- lages. Thus the people of the United States are organized in a hierarchy of groups, from the school district to the entire nation. The territory of the United States is divided into subordinate districts throughout the hierarchy, and there are at least four groups in the hierarchy — the town, the county, the state, and the nation; or, the ward, the city, the state, and the nation. Every citizen of the United States, therefore, belongs to four different organizations in a hiei'archy. He has a vote in each organization, assists in the selection of its officers, obeys its laws, and holds allegiance to its authority. This is all very simple, but the plan of grouping or regimenting peo- ple by territorial boundaries is of late origin. Our Anglo- Saxon ancestors were gi'ouped by a very different method. History teaches that the ancient Greeks and Romans were grouped by a different plan. In fact, it has been discovered that, in the two stages of culture which I have called savagery and barbarism, a very different plan of regimentation every- where prevails. This plan is known as tiibal organization. Tribal organization characterizes the two lower stages of culture, though savage regimentation differs from barbaric regimentation in some very important particulars. In tribal society people are grouped or regimented in bodies of kindred. Let us first examine this grouping in the savage tribe. A savage ti-ibe is composed of clans. Let us obtain a clear idea of what is meant by a clan. A ti'ibe is a group of people belonging to clans; a clan is a POWELL] SOCIOLOGY XCIII group of people having a common name. Suppose that a tribe springs from four persons, viz, a brother and a sister belonging to one clan and a brother and a sister belonging to another clan, and that each of the men marries the other's sister. Let us call one of our clans "Wolf" and the other "Eagle." The Wolf man marries the Eagle woman and the Eagle man man'ies the Wolf woman. This is the first generation of a tribe com- posed of two clans, the man and his wife belonging to different clans. The four persons belong to two clans, and constitute two families. Let us suppose that each couple has four chil- dren — two boys and two girls. They will belong to two clans. The children of the Wolf mother will belong to the Wolf clan and the children of the Eagle mother to the Eagle clan, for the children take the name of the mother. This is the second generation. Then four people of the second generation and two of the first generation belong to the Wolf clan; and four of the second generation and two of the first generation belong to the Eagle clan. Thus we see that clans do not correspond to what we call families. The husband and wife belong to different clans; and the children belong to the clan of the mother, and take the name of the mother. The mother, not the father, owns the children; and the husband is but the guest of his wife, not the head of the household. Suppose that each man of the second generation marries a woman of that generation who belongs to a different clan, and that each pair has four children — two boys and two girls. These children constitute the third generation. The children belong to the clan of the mother. There are now three genera- tions of people in each clan ; and every mother claims her own children as members of her clan. The head of the family is the mother; but the head of the clan is the grandmother's brother. Always the elder-man of the clan is the ruler of the clan; and the woman is the family ruler of her children. We may go on from the hypothetical beginning of a tribe through succes- sive generations; and still the ruler of the clan will be the elder-man of the clan and will govern not his own children and their descendants, but his sister's children and their descendants. We may therefore define a clan as a group of kindred people whose kinship is reckoned only through females. XCIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ktm. anx.20 A clan always has a name, which is called its totem; and the object from which it is named is in like manner called its totem. Thus, in the two clans which we have considered, the wolf and the eagle are respectively called the totems of the clan. The totem receives great consideration in savage society. It is usually some beast, bird, or insect, or some important plant, such as the corn or the tobacco; or it may be the wind, the rain, a star, or the sun. The totem of the clan is consid- ered to be the progenitor or prototype of the clan. The people of the Wolf clan claim to have descended from the wolf; the people of the Eagle clan, from the eagle; the people of the Wind clan, from the wind; and the people of the Sun clan, from the sun. The totem is also the tutelar deity of the clan. There grows up about the clan a singular set of rules and observances which are rites on the one hand and prohibitions on the other. The prohibitions are usually called tabus. Thus, the members of the Wolf clan must not kill a wolf, as the killing of the wolf is tabued to the cjan; but if they see one they must perform some ceremony. The rites and tabus of the totem are universal in this stage of societ}', and are held as sacred obligations. One of these tabus is especially to be noted: A person must not marry into his own clan. The tabu is sacred; and its violation is a horrible crime, which, in some tribes, is punishable with death. An individual is likely to have as many kindred through his father as through his mother; and he is also likely to liave as many kindred through his wife by affinity as through his father and mother by consanguinity. All those persons to whom the clansman is related through his fatlier and through his wife, together with all the members of liis own clan, constitute the tribe. Thus in savage society we have families, clans, and tribes. We have still a fourth unit. Two or more tribes may unite to form a confederacy for offensive or defensive pur])oses, or for both. When a confederacy is formed, artificial kinship is introduced; and the tribes which unite agree to consider themselves related. If two tribes vmite, the men of the tribes may consider each other as elder and younger brothers, or as PowKLr] SOCIOLOGY XCV fathers and sous, or even as uncles and nephews. Where many tribes unite to form a confederacy, rehitionships are dis- tributed to the members of the confederacy, but only after long conferences, where such questions are considered in detail. Thus we see that in tribal society men are not regi- mented or grouped territorially, as in national society, but are regimented by kinship, real or conventional as the case may be; the same end, however, is accomplished in full, that is, the people are grouped in a hierarchy of units. Thus in tribal society men are grouped or regimented by kindred, and each person belongs to at least four groups of different grades in the hierarchy. Certain things are i-egulated by the confed- eracy, certain things by the tril)e, certain things by the clan, certain things by the mother of the family. In national society there is local government. In a democratic nation this is local self-government; and in a monarcliical nation it is local gov- ernment through officers appointed by the monarch. In tribal society there is group government, the questions of govern- ment being relegated to the several groups, and the elder man of the group having authorit}^ In the course of generations some clans may die out, and the children be left without parents or grandparents: they must then be adopted into some other family. If they are adopted by a mother's sister they are still in the same clan; but if they are adopted by a father's sister they are consid- ered as belonging to his clan, which is the same as that of his sister. It is thus that it sometimes happens that children change clans and, consequently, their totemic names. When the men of a clan go out to hunt or fish, to make a boat or build a house, or to do any other work together, the oldest man of the clan is the director of the enterjjrise, the chief. All Indians hold that superior age gives authority; and every person is taught from childhood to obey his superiors and to rule over his inferiors. The superiors are those of greater age; the inferiors, those who are younger. It is the law of tribal society that superior age gives authority, and that inferior age imposes a duty. But the people of a tribe do not know their age, for they do not keep a record of time. XCVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPOBT [kth. ann. 20 How, then, can tliey carry out this law? Well, they have a very simple device, by whicli every person in the clan may know that he is older or younger than other persons in the clan. Besides the totem name they have kinship names. Thus, there is a name for "father" and another for "son"; and the son always knows that he is younger than the father, and must obey him. Similarly the father always knows that he is older than the son, and that he has the right to command him. The same is true of mother and daughter. But there may be two or more brothers; so they have two names for "brother," one meaning "elder brother," and the other "younger brother." In the same manner they have two words for "cousin," one signifying "elder cousin," and the other "younger cousin." They have also two words corre- sponding to "uncle" and "nephew"; but the word meaning "uncle" is always applied to the elder, and the word whicli means "nephew" is always applied to the one who is younger. Thus in the Ute language there are two words: ain and aitsen. Ain applies to the one who is the elder, whether he be uncle or nephew ; and aitsen applies to the younger, whether he be uncle or nephew. So long as the tribesmen live together in clans they have a simple method of keeping in memory their relative ages: for the names by which they address one another always express the difference in age; and it is a law in tribal society that one person must address another by a kinship term. He may speak of another by his totem name, or by any other name; but he must address another by his kinship name. It is always considered an insult to call another person of the same body of kindred by any name other than his kinsliip name. A Caucasian boy on the street may call his brotlier "John," but an Amerind boy in the woods must call his brother by one of the terms which show that he is older or younger than himself The oldest man of the clan, having natural authority, accord- ing to Amerindian ideas, over all members of the clan, is their chief; and this is the basis of the patriarchy. A clan is said to have a patriarchal government. POWEI.I.J SOCIOLOGY XOVII Sometimes the elder-man or patriarch or chief becomes old and inibecile; or there may be another man in the clan whom they suppose to have greater ability, and they decide to make him the chief. In such a case the law is obeyed by a plan which lawyers term a legal fiction. The new chief is promoted; and then he becomes the grandfather of the clan. If his father is still living, he is compelled to call his chieftain son "grandfather"; if his elder brother is still living, he is compelled to call the chief "elder brother"; if his uncle is still living, he is compelled to call the chief "uncle." So, by this legal fiction, the chief is still the patriarch of the clan. Not only can a chief be promoted to the head of the clan, but from time to time different individuals in the clan are promoted over their fellows. A young man who proves himself to be skillful in fishing and hunting, or a brave warrior, may be pi-omoted over his fellows, who thus become persons younger than himself and must address him as if he were older. Every year adds a new spike to the antlers of the stag. Some Amerinds call such a promotion the adding of a spike to a man's horns ; other tribes speak of it as adding another stripe to his paint; and still others, as adding another feather to his bonnet. Sometimes a chief may prove to be a coward; then he, will be deposed. Or an individual may disgrace himself, when he will be reduced in rank. When a man is deposed the Amerinds will say that his horns have been knocked off, or that his paint has been wiped off, or that his feathers have been plucked. In a similar manner tribes and confederacies are governed by reckoning kinship in different ways and making kinship by legal fiction. All such governments are patriarchal. It will readily be seen that such government is not possible in civilized society. What man can know the names of all the persons living in a county or a state, or who can learn all the names of the people who live in a city, and how can one trace out the kinship of the people of a city into clans I Tribal society, or kinship government, is therefore impossible in civilization, and is possible only where the group of people thus united in government is very small and the members know one another as kindred. 20 ETH— 03 VII XCVni ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. asn. 20 I have already explained the adoption into other clans of infant children whose clan kindred have become extinct. Such cases seem to be infrequent, but thei'e are other cases of adoption which are more common. Children, and even adults, captured in war are usually adopted into some clan. Our European ancestors observed a curious custom among the tribes of this country, that of running the gantlet. A pris- oner was compelled to run between two lines of his captors armed with sticks and other missiles. This was formerly sup- posed to be a method of torture. On investigation it is proved to have had quite another purpose The prisoner was given an opportunity to show his mettle, his courage, and his ability to fight his way through a line of clubs. If he acquitted himself manfully, any woman among the captors might claim him for her child. Children ran the gantlet of children only, but adults ran the gantlet of men, women, and children. Female children were rarely submitted to this ordeal. The adoption of a captive was his new birth into the clan, and his official age dated from his new birth. If he proved himself skillful, useful, and especially wise, he might be promoted from time to time, until at last tlie captive might become a chief Captives taken from tribes that are hereditary enemies and with which there have grown historic feuds, and who are held to practice monster sins, such as cannibalism, are given a fixed status from their birth into the clan, which they can not pass without promotion ; for all persons naturally born into the clan may call them younger and have authority over them. This is the primal form of slavery, but by good behavior the rules of such slavery may be greatly relaxed, and captives from hated enemies may ultimately become promoted kindred. A person may not marry another of the same clan, but usually he must marry some one of the tribe not in his own clan. Before the marriage customs of the tribes of America were properly understood, a theory of endogamy and exog- amy was developed by McLennan and others, which has played quite a role in theories of ethnology. There are a great number of languages spoken by the tribes of America; so that the terms used to signify the clan and the tribe are PowEii] SOCIOLOGY XCIX multitudinous. The earlier writers on marriage customs in tribal society culled from the literature of travel a vast body of stories about tabus in marriage; and it was finally con- cluded that certain tribes required their tribesmen to inany women who were foreigners and aliens. This was called exogamy. Then it was held that other ti-ibes required or permitted their tribesmen to take wives within the tribe, and this was called endogamy. So an attempt Avas made to classify the tribes of mankind, not only in America, but else- where, into two groups, the exogamous and the endogamous. Now, we understand that in all tribal society there is an endogamous or incest group, which we call the clan in sav- agery, and the gens in barbarism; while at the same time the clansmen usually marry within the tribe by regulations which vary greatly from people to people. It seems that the ties of man-iage are used to bind different peoples together in one larger group which we call the tribe, and that the clans of a tribe may at one time have been distinct tribes; that when tribes become weak, or desire to form permanent alliances with other tribes for offensive and defensive purposes, such tribes agree to become clans of a united body, and by treaty confirm the bargain by pledging not to mairy women within their own groups, but to exchange women with one another. "Give us your daughters for wives and we will give you our daughters for wives." Such a bargain or treaty, enforced for many gen- erations as custornary law, ultimately becomes sacred, and mar- riage within the group is incest. Perhaps there is no people, tribal or national, which has not an incest group; so all peoples are endogamous, as all peoples are necessarily exogamous. The distinction set forth by McLennan proves to be invalid everywhere and among all peoples. Among the tribes of America there are many customs estao- lishing the group within which a person may marrv. It may be that a man may many within any clan but his own, or it may be that a man must marry within some particular clan. Sometimes there is a series of clans, which we will call A, B, C, J5, and N. A man of A must many a woman of B ; a man of B must maiTy a woman of C; a man of C must marry a ADMINISTRATIVE KEPORT [eth. ann. 20 woman of B, and so on; and, finally, a man of N must marry a woman of A. Tribes themselves composed of clans unite with other tribes also composed of clans; and as a result of this consolidation into larger tribes there is found, in actual study of the Amerinds, a great variety of systems, all having the common feature of an incest grou]) or clau, and provision for bonds of friendship, which are perennially sealed by inter- marriages. It thus happens that universally among the tribes of America marriages are regulated by customary law; and the parties married have no legal right to personal choice. Yet there are often ways established by which the clan confirms the personal choice. Though marriage is always regulated by the elders of the clan, yet they often consult the wishes of the candidates. There are three man-iage customs, springing up from time to time among the tribes, which require special mention. A young man and a young woman may form a clandestine marriage and live apart in the forest, regardless of the consent of the elders of the two clans involved, until a child is born, provided the tabu is not violated; that is, that the two parties do not belong to the same clan. There is another custom which the exigencies of life fre- quently produce. A clan may have many male candidates for marriage, while the clan in which their brides are found may have few ehgible women. Then the young man may wish to marry a woman in some clan other than that in which his rights inhere. In such a case the wife may be captured; but the capture is always a friendly one. If the girl has other contestants for her hand, she must be won by wager of battle. The battle is fought as a hand-to-hand conflict, without weap- ons other than those furnished by nature. A third custom is found, especially on the western coast of North America, where men buy their wives. This seems to occur in the case of polygamy, where the man who takes a second or third wife not only remunerates the woman's clan, but makes presents to certain persons throughout the tribe who might have an interest in disposing of the girl in some other way. This seems to be the case in many tribes where "pot- latch" weddings are observed, and it may be true in all. P<'«Ei.Ll SOCIOLOGY CI The possession of property which is exclusively used by the iudividual, such as clothing, ornaments, and various utensils and implements, is inherent in the individual. Individual property can not he inherited, but at death is consigned to the grave. Property which belongs to the clan, such as the house, the boat, the garden, is common property. No article of food belongs to the individual, but is the common prop- erty of the clan, and must be divided by the authorities of the clan, often according to some rule by which a special portion is given to the person who provides the food. Thus, when a hunter kills a deer, a particular portion is given to him ; other poi-tions may be given to those who assisted in its capture; and all the rest is divided according to the needs of the indi- viduals of the clan. The women gather fruits, seeds, or roots ; that which is consumed at the time is divided by like methods, but that which is preserved for future use sometimes becomes the property of the clan. The elder-man of the clan is responsible for the training of children, and it is no small part of his duty daily to exercise them in their games and to instruct them in their duties. Thus he who enforces clan custom is the same person who instructs in clan custom; and when councils of tribe or confederacy are held, he is the representative of the clan in such councils. The chief of the confederacy is usually the chief of one of the tribes, and the chief of the tribe is usually an elder-man in one of the clans. There are clan councils, tribal councils, and confederate councils. The council is the tribal court and legislative bodv in one. All Indian life is cooperative; and all cooperative life is regu- lated by the clan, the tribe, or the confederacy. The clan hunt and the clan fishing expedition are regulated by the council; and when the clan or the tribe would move the site of its village, the council must so decree and regulate the matter. The council of the clan settles disputes between individuals of the clan; the council of the tribe settles disputes between clans; and the council of the confederacy settles disputes between tribes. Sometimes the members of the clan live separately by households; but often the clan will build a CII ADMINISTKATIVE KEPOKT [eth. ann. 20 house for all its members, when the households will be rele- gated to distinct sections. It is curious to see the people dis- solved into households at one time, and at another aggregated in clans. If the clan moves temporarily to a favorite locality, where roots or fruits are abundant in their season, it may dis- solve into households which provide for themselves rude shelters of bark, brush, and leaves; but if the clan wishes to change its habitation permanently, it is likely to construct a new communal dwelling for the joint use of its members. Thus, the clan seems to be the most permanent and most fundamental unit in the organization. In the study of North American tribes it is always found that the purpose assigned and recognized for the organization of that unit is the establishment of peace. Two or more bodies go to war, and finally agree to live in peace, and make a treaty; and the terms of the treaty are invariably of one character, if the bodies unite as a tribe. The fundamental condition for the organization of a tribe is, that the one party agrees that its women shall be the wives of the other, with a reciprocal obli- gation. This is the characteristic which distinguishes tribes from confederacies. A body of people organized for the pur- pose of regulating marriages is a tribe. A body of people organized for war is a confederacy. Thus the organization of a tribe itself is the first recognition of the principle of peace in the origin of constitutions. The confederacy is always the unit of war organization. It is doubtful — in the present stage of investigation, at least — whether a tribe, as such, ever engages in offensive war. Confederacies become tribes by customary intermarriages, especially when the tribe becomes the tabu unit of intermarriage. It is thus that the three units — the clan, the tribe, and the confederacy — are variable from time to time, although at any particular time these three units can be distinguished as well as the family or household unit. There are peculiar circumstances under which the household unit is variable. This variability depends upon customs which sometimes spring up among tribes, and are known as polyandry and polygamy. Sometimes the man who marries a woman is entitled to marry her sisters as they become of age. There are POWELL] SOCIOLOGY Cin Other conditions under which men become polygamists, but tliey are not very common in savage society. In the same manner, there are cases in which the women of the clan are few as compared with the men to whom they are due ; and, hence, one woman becomes the common wife of several men. This is polyandry. It is not certain that polyandry has ever pre- vailed in an Amerind tribe ; but certain forms of polyandry are found elsewhere, especially in Australia, where the clan system has an aberrant development, doubtless due to the development of many tribes of the same linguistic stock, and to the spread of the same totemic clan largely over the Australian continent. Another organization, which involves all civic relations, must now be explained. There is a body of men (and sometimes of women also) who are known as medicine-men or shamans, and sometimes as priests, who control all religious ceremonies and who are diviners. As disease is supposed to be the work of human or animal sorcery, it is their function to prevent or to thwart it. They have the management of all ceremonies relating to war, hunting, fishing, and the gathering of the fruits of field and forest. It is their office to provide ceremo- nies for abundant harvests, to regulate the climate, and gen- erally to divine and control good and evil. The principal shamans are men; but all the people are united into shaman- istic societies. Usually there is some determined number of these societies, over each of which some particular shaman presides, and he has subordinates, each one of whom has some particular office or function to perform in the societies. Some- times a person may belong to two or more of these societies; usually he has the privilege to join any one, and a revered or successful shaman will gather a great society, while a shaman of less influence will preside over a feebler society. Let us call these societies ecclesiastical corporations, and the shamans priests. The way in which they are regimented and controlled diff"ers from tribe to tribe, and there is a great variety of ceremonial observances. In all civic councils the ecclesiastical authorities take part and have specified functions to perform; and they introduce into civic life the ceremonies which they beHeve will produce good fortune. Perhaps the OIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [kth. asn. 20 ecclesiastical authorities may be more powerful than the civic authorities, and the hereditary line of special ecclesiastical governors may gradually overpower the civic constitution and absorb it as a secondary element in the ecclesiastic constitu- tion. It must be remembered that the chief priests are men, and that the women play a very small part in ecclesiastical affairs. Now, as the men manage ecclesiastical affairs as chief priests, so civil affairs are managed mainly by men as elder men. The conflict which sometimes arises between the two forms of government is mainly between men and men, or between able elder-men and able shamans; but sometimes both officers are combined in one person, and the great elder- man may also be the great shaman. BARBARISM In barbarism the tribe is composed of groups which we call gentes, and is said to have a gentile organization. Among the Romans such persons were known as agnates. A group of agnates is composed of persons who reckon kinship through males. Gentile organization is best known through the early history of the Romans and Greeks; it was well developed among the peoples of early history who spoke the Sanskrit language; it appears among the early Anglo-Saxons; a few tribes in North America have gentile organization, and it has been at one time or another widely spread throughout the earth. As a clan is a grouj) of jjeople who reckon kinship through females to some ancestral female, ]-eal or conventional, so a gens is a group of people who i-eckon kinship through males to some ancestral male, real or conventional. It seems that the primordial constitution of the tribe is by clanship and that the clanship tribe is developed into the gentile tribe. Most of the tribes of North America have clanship organiza- tion, yet there is a goodly number with gentile organization, while perhaps it may be said that a majority of the clanship tribes have some elements of the gentile organization, and there is scarcely a gentile tribe which has not some feature of clanship organization as a survival; so that it may be justly affirmed that a great many of the tribes on this continent are POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CV in the stage of transition. But more than this — all of the tribes of North Amei*ica have come into association to a greater or less degree with the European invaders, and have thus taken on some of the elements of civilized culture, so that the Columbian period has been one of very rapid devel- opment in tribal organization. Now, again and again we find abundant evidence that the savage tribe yields its peculiarities by exchanging them for bai'baric characteristics. A review of the evidence which has been accumulating through a series of years on this subject demonstrates that clanship organiza- tion develops into gentile organization. To set forth in a summary manner how this development is accomplished will perhaps be the best method of explaining the nature of a barbaric government. In savagery there are societies which are organized for the purpose of securing the cooperation of ghosts in the affairs of mankind. These societies are often called phratries or brother- hoods, and are the custodians of the lore of unseen beings. Thev occupy themselves with ceremonies and various practices intended to secure advantages and to avert evils which are attributed to multitudinous ghostly beings which are supposed to have tenuous bodies and to live an occult and magical life as they take part in human affairs. Everything unexplained is attributed to ghosts. The leader in these thaumaturgic societies is called bv white men a medicine-man, or sometimes priest, or even a thaumaturgist; a better term is shaman. The phratrv over which the shaman presides has a special care of health and the occult agencies of welfare, so he presides over elaborate ceremonies which have a religious significance. These phratries, called by some of our writers societies, take a very active part in savage society, for much of the time of the people is occupied in the performance of the I'ites of thau- maturgy antecedent to any enterprise of importance in which the clan may engage. These phratries which are organized to obtain the assistance of ghosts develop periodical ceremonies which are designed to secure the annual productions of nature upon which human welfare depends. Thus the fishing tribes of the Pacific coast CVI ADMINISTRATIVE EEPOET [etii. an.n. 20 that depend largely for their food on the coming' of the salmon from the sea at particular times have ceremonies designed to secure their coming; those that depend upon cereals, like wild rice, also have their ceremonies to invoke the aid of ghosts to bring abundant seeds. In arid lands, where vegetation is so dependent upon rain, these ceremonies take the form of invo- cations for rain. Thus in every region of the United States periodical ceremonies are performed to secure harvests and supplies of game. Again, human beings are subject to many diseases which are universally attributed to ghosts. Ceremonies to ghosts are common for the purpose of propitiating them or of preventing their malign influences or even of obtaining the aid of some ghosts to defend the people from other ghosts. Societies, or incorporations, as we have called them, but which are often called phratries, or brotherhoods, are first incorporated among men as religious societies on the theory that the good and evil of life are largely dependent upon ghosts. In tribal life the head of such a society, if it be a man, is known as father; in some few cases the head may be a woman, when she is known as mother. The children of such a head of a society are known as brothers and sisters, hence among classical peoples the societies were known as phratrigs. These brotherhoods constitute an important element in savage society, and their chiefs have on some occasions quite as much influence as the governmental chiefs. Often the father of the brotherhood and the elder-man of the clan is the same person. When this is the case, authority is doubly established. Ultimately this union effects a reorganization of the tribe itself, and clans become gentes. How this is accom- plished we must now explain. Clans are the bodies corporate for all industrial pui-poses. Much of the hunting is clan hunting without firearms; the wild animals have to be entrapped or captured by many devi- ces in which all the members of the clan take part. These clan hunts are important occasions when distant woods, distant valleys, or distant mountains become the theater of operations. Under these circumstances it sometimes happens that the male POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CVII members of the clan desire to have their wives with them, but their wives belong to other clans and have their households with other clans, hence on such hunting excui'sions the clan organization is to a gi-eater or less extent interrupted, and the Avomen fall under the control of their husbands instead of their brothers and mothers' brothers. This is but a temporary arrangement; but it often occurs when the clans visit some favorite stream or seaside resort to gather and dry fish. By and by agriculture is developed. The cultivation of the soil seems usually to have been first developed in the arid lands. Everywhere in America where a primitive tribe has engaged in irrigation for agricultural purposes we find a tribal village as a central winter homestead, with a number of out- lying villages or rancherias, which ai'e occupied by the several clans during the season of imgation. To understand the nature of primitive agricultural industry in America it becomes necessary to take these facts into con- sideration. In every great ruin group in America situated in the arid lands where agriculture was practiced, and also in such humid lands as were cultivated, a central ruin of the habitations of the tribe is found with outlying ruins or ran- cherias. When people have thus reached the state of agricul- ture where irrigation is practiced there is still stronger reason why the clansmen should control their wives and children. Irrigation requires the management of the stream which is used to fructify the soil, and irrigation works must be con- structed. The stream must be danmied and the water carried over the land by canals; this means the construction of works that have a perennial value, and attention to the crops during the season of irrigation as well as thai of planting and harvest- ing. One clan on one little streaii. is separated from the other clans, who also have their streams during the entire season of gi-owing crops, and the clan is thus segregated in a little summer village of its own, and in a distinct village from that occupied by the tribe during- the remainder of the ychi: Again, as animals are domesticated and flocks and herds are acquired, wives and children become still more essential to the prosperity of the men, for the women and children must take CVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 part in the care of the flocks. By all of these agencies the (;on- trol of women and children is taken from elder brothers and given to the husbands, and the practical accomplishment of this change results in a new theory of the family — the children are no longer considered the children of the bearing mother, but of the generating fa ther ; that is, the children belong to the father, not to the mother, for in tribal society there seems to be an inability to conceive of mutual parenthood and authority. In the clan the mother is the parent and owns the children, and the father is but temporarily the guest of the wife and children. When the elder-man has the authority of the shaman, he easily usurps the authority of the elder-man of his wife's clan, especially when such authority is conducive to his industrial interests; for the same reason that impels the elder-man to this acquisition of authority impels the elder-man of his wife's clan to a corresponding assumption of authority, so the interest of the one is the interest of the other. There may be many clans in the tribe, and all the elder-men are interested in the like acquisition of authority and are alike willing to give and take. When this transfer is made into what we now call the gens, and the elder-man or chief of the gens has authority over his wife and children, this authority waxes very great, for he has a double power — that of the elder-man and that of the shaman, and we have the same state of affairs among the barbaric tribes of America that is exhibited to us in the historic account of the tribes of the Greek and Roman peoples, and in fact of all of the Indo-European peoples. Under these conditions kinship is reckoned in the male line and the clan is transformed into the gens. The ruler of the gens is the patriarch who has a right to control by reason of superior age, for the law that the elder rules is still supreme; but the elder rules with a rigor unknown in savage society. The phratry does not become the gens, though it is efficient in transforming the clan into the ^ens, and the phratry or brotherhood becomes a fifth unit in the hierarchy of incorpora- tions which constitute a barbaric society. The famil}- remains as a more or less distinct unit of organization composed of the father, mother, and children, or it may hold together as a group POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CIX ruled by the grandfather. The gens still remains as a group controlled by the patriarch or chief who is in fact or by legal fiction the elder-man; but there is a tendency in the gens to break up into a number of households, each one ruled by a real or conventional elder-man. Then comes the phratry, to which are relegated many functions. We nmst now understand something more about the religion of gentile tribes. In this stage private and public religion are pretty clearly differentiated. The elder-man of the gens offici- ates as the priest in the domestic worship, but the public wor- ship is conducted in the council chamber, or, as it is usually called in America, the kiva, which is the place of meeting of a brotherhood or phratry, and the ceremonial worship of the people is conducted in this place. Among the Greeks the kiva was called the prytaneum. Various names ai-e used among the barbaric tribes of America, and various names were used among the barbaric tribes of the Orient. In the upper stages of savagery there is developed a calendar system by which the kiva ceremonies are regulated. The various codices which have been discovered in Central, North, and South America ax'e all of them calendars designed to regulate the ceremonies of the kiva. The kiva worship is controlled by the phratral unit; that is, by the brotherhood. The place of worshij) is also the place where the council of the bx-otherhood is held. Sometimes the council of the tribe is held now at one, now at another, of the kivas. The kiva is the genei-al place for divination where the signs are consulted for the purpose of determining whether enterprises will be successful or not. All of the operations of the people and all of the things in which they are most deeply interested are controlled by these ceremonies held in the kiva. Especially is the weather controlled, for it is here that they pray for rain or for the abatement of storm. It is here that the ceremonies are performed which determine the nature of the crops. It is here that health or sickness is found. When the individual is once under the power of a disease the shaman may go to his relief and gather about his sick bed the members of the phratry, who sing, dance, and perform other ceremonies ox ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [f.th. axs. 20 for his recovery. It is iu the kiva that trials for witchcraft are held: In all barbaric societies and in many savage societies there is a place for the ti-ibe to assemble. When architecture is developed this is called the temple, but very often it is a mere plaza under the shelter of trees, where special seats are fur- nished for the brotherhoods. Here men are promoted or invested with horns, feathers, or stripes — the investiture is always a time of menymakuig, with a feast and with danc- ing — and here men are deposed. Tribal life is chiefly public life. There is little domestic seclusion; often the house is a communal house for the entire clan or gens. Nearly all hunting is public hunting; nearly all fishing is public fishing; nearly all gathering of seeds is public gathering of seeds; nearly all gathering of roots is public gathering of roots; all agriculture is public agriculture, and all herds are public herds. The kiva is the gathering place of the brotherhoods, and here they meet not only for religious ceremony, but to pass the time in conversation or in jest. Here the shamanistic orator entertains the people, jind here the men do their weaving and the women their basket work. The kiva is the general place of rendezvous. In barbarism, where all the units of regimentation are fully developed, there are families, gentes, tribes, and confederacies, and for every unit there is a system of worship, and the high priest of the unit is the elder-man or chief of the unit; worship is thus specialized. The hearth of the family is the altar of the family. The place of worship of the gens is the kiva or pry- taneum. The kiva of the chief of the tribe is usually the kiva of the tribe. But sometimes the tribe has a special kiva inde- pendent of those of the gentes and we call it the temple. The chief of the confederacy is also the chief of the leading tribe, and the kiva of the tribe may thus become the kiva of the confederacy; usually confederacies only have temples. Thus three places of worship may always be recognized in barbaric society. On the hearth-stone worship is performed by obla- tions and other ceremonies, and sometimes with paraphernalia; in the kiva worship is performed with much ceremony and with POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXI very elaborate paraphernalia, while in the temple worship is performed especially for militant puqioses and is elaborate and ceremonious. I know not why four or five places of worship should not be developed in tribal society; but I have never discovered more than three, though I always discover the five kinds of worship. When the fathers of the phratries become the elder-men or chiefs of the other units in the hierarchy of govermental units, barbaric society is fully ox-ganized and savage society is fully overthrown. When we come to apply the criteria which we have set forth to particular tribal bodies, a difficulty arises in segre- gating savage bodies from barbaric bodies, for in many instances in America we find some of the characteristics of savagery and others of barbarism. Gradually a custom has grown up among the students of these societies to relegate a tribe to savagery which has the characteristics of savagery predominant, and to relegate a tribe to barbarism which has the characteristics of barbarism predominant; in so doing we make clan organization by kinship in the female line the deciding mark of savagery, and gentile organization by kin- ship in the male line the deciding mark of barbarism. MONARCHY The cradle of civilization was rocked by the waves of the Mediterranean. Of the origin of one of the monarchies here established we have much history. In the Greek and Latin languages there is found a literature in which is recorded the development of the Hellenic and Latin tribes into a monarchy extending far beyond the shores of the Mediterranean, through Eurojje on the north and large ])ortions of Asia and Africa on the Avest and south. Of the nature of the monarchies absorbed by Rome and of the nature of the tribes absorbed in northern Europe we have comparatively little data, but of the Hellenic and Latin tribes we have much history. By adding to this history the comparatively little-known history of the tribes that were amalgamated in the monarchies on the south, and the still less known history of the tribes on the north that came OXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. anx. 20 under tlie dominion of Rome, and by interpreting this tribal history from the standpoint which modern civilization has gained by the study of savage and barbaric peoples, we are able to reconstruct an outline of the history of the origin of the Roman empire. As the Roman empire was founded on the inchoate mon- archies into which the Hellenic and Latin tribes were devel- oped, the literature of this transmutation is recorded in these languages. The modern European nations are in some sense the oflFspring of the Roman empire, and a family of these nations was developed. After the fall of the Roman empire a period of centuries elapsed which are often called the Dark Ages. History which we may not stop to recount led to what is usually denom- inated the Revival of Learning. Then the younger nations sought in the literature of Greece and Rome for the history of their origin, and they found in these languages the records of a high state of culture, especially in architecture, sculpture, poetry, and metaphysics. Thus the Greek and Latin lan- guages were the repository of "the wisdom of the ancients" on these subjects. To trace the evolution of European relig- ion it is necessary for us to go to its source in the Hebrew; but to discover the origin of the governmental institutions we must STO first to the Greek to discover the nature of the bar- baric tribe, and then to the Roman to discover the nature of the monarchy, and from the two sources we may learn the development of tribal society into monarchical society. We must now characterize in a few sentences the agencies by which barbaric society is transformed into monarchical society. We first note that the more highly cultured tribes are domi- ciled in walled cities. Every such city is a center of culture superior to that e.xhibited by tribes not yet domiciled in walled cities. ^ In savagery the custom of causing the captive to " run the gantlet " was early pbserved by civilized men, but the signifi- cance of the custom was not understood, for it was supposed to be only a method of torture. Prisoners who have long PowELi.] SOCIOLOGY OXIII remained in the custody of their captors tell us of the signifi- cance of the custom. Modern scientific investigation clearly reveals its nature. There seems to be a desire among savage people to increase their numbers by incorporating captives into the body i)olitic. Such captives are often selected to take the })lace of persons killed or captured by the enemy. Some- times the captive is required to exhibit his courage and skill by causing him to "run the gantlet," and if he emerges from the ordeal with honor some woman adopts him as her son. When he is thus taken into the clan, his birth dates from his adoption. He is therefore younger to all the members of the clan who at that time are living, but he is elder to those sub- sequently bom. The captive may be promoted from time to time as other members of the clan if he wins such promotions by good conduct. He maymthus become the elder-man of the clan or even the chief of the tribe or confederacy. There are circumstances under which the captive is refused promotion, as, for example, when captives are taken from hereditary ene- mies who are believed to be sorcerers, or who are popularly believed to be cannibals — that is, to eat human bodies for food instead of in a ceremony of magic, which is the universal prac- tice. The captive is thus doomed to perpetual youngership, if the term may be permitted— that is, to perpetual servitude — because all other members of the tribe may consider him as last bom and never to be advanced in age. In savagery there seems to be but little evidence of this state ; but when in bar- barism agricultural and zoocultural industries are organized, and other industries are earned on for exchange, then the labor of captives becomes an important factor in the industrial life of the people, so that captives are taken, not simply to reduce the numerical power of enemies and to increase the numerical power of the captors, but they are also taken as laborers; then labor slavery is first developed. Before this stage family slav- ery only exists. In the brief account which we are giving, what seems to be a radical change must always be considered not as instantaneous but as requiring centuries of history with its vicissitudes. Many different examples, occurring at differ-' ent times, furnish instances of evolution representing only a 20 ETH— 03 vm CXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 part of the final change — one of changes <^)n changes in the treatment of captives which result at last in changing family slavery into labor slavery. We will hereafter see how labor slavery is changed into chattel slavery. Walled cities become cities of wealth, because thev are cen- ters of esthetic and industrial art. The aggregation of wealth in these cities makes them rich prizes and stimulates war, so that wars are instigated not only by current disagreements, as in savagery and barbarism, but by greed for wealth, which consists in the stores accumulated in cities and in the labor of the inhabitants when captured. Vengeance is a powerful motive for war, but greed has greater might. When men are gathered into cities, the land which they cultivate extends far outside their walls, and the animals which they domesticate are pastured oi^ distant hills. In the stage which we are now discussing, slaves are employed as artisans in the city, and they are also employed as agricultural laborers and herdsmen in the country. Their employment in this man- ner requires surveillance lest they escape. To prevent their escape and to relieve the constant watchfulness of their mas- ters, it becomes necessary to give them many inducements to remain and labor; this is accomplished by giving them an interest in the soil and an interest in the flocks and herds, and by promoting their domestic life. Thus slaves become clients. Sometimes whole tribes are conquered and employed as clients to cultivate their own lands. Thus captives become serfs attached to the soil, and the title to the serfs j^asses with the title to the soil. Still the conquering city may reduce other tribes to vassal- age and require of them annual tribute, but permit them to continue in the pursuit of happiness and welfare by their ancient methods subject oidy to the collection of tribute. Sometimes the tribute may be in men, and is furnished to the armies of the conqueror. It is thus in monarchy that various forms of servitude are found, as family servants, as clients, as serfs, as vassals, and chattel slavery itself is common. In tribal society the integration of bodies politic is mainly POWELL] SOCIOLOGY OXV by treaty agi'eeinent for offensive and defeusi^•e puqjoses; but in mouarcliical society much integration is accomj^lished through conquest, impelled by ambition, by which foreign peoples are reduced to subordinate positions. They may be made slaves by the greed for gold, but they may be made subjects by the ambition to rale. Such subject provinces must pay tribute, and usually the tribute- bearing people must be subject to rulers who are themselves subject to the central government, as members of the central aristocratic class. Thus monarchies are integrated through slavery and provin- cial government: There is yet another element of the transmutation which we must set forth. This is the consolidation of religious power in the chief of the central city, who is not oidy a king but is high priest of all the units of the monarchy. In the central city resides the central authority. The central tribe, in which are not included domestic servants, constitutes a distinct body politic with all its hierarchy of units, with its chief ruler who is also high priest, and subordinate rulers who are also subor- dinate priests. The subject provinces are governed by rulers who emanate from the central city. The people of the central city thus constitute an aristocracy to govern the subject prov- inces. When things are brought to this pass the pure mon- archy is developed. It will be seen that the fully fledged monarchy is a stage of society of long growth, but the steps in its growth are very irregular and often turn back before monarchical society is instituted. We have said that the emperor is the high priest of the peo- ple. Finally the high priest is fired with the ambition to become the high priest of all religions. Then comes the time of persecution for non-conformists, and then comes that cause for war which is niost potent — the doctrine that false religions may be eradicated by force. Then comes the profound belief in the thaumaturgic doings of the god of aristocracy as mira- cles, and its concomitant belief that the doings of false gods, are sorcery. Such are the agencies by which tribal society with kinship regimentation is developed into national society with district. CXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [kth. axx. -20 regimentation, wliere the laud of the aristocracy is the home of central government, and the provinces subordinate units of the nation. In savage society the most important unit of organization is its body of kindred who reckon membership in the female line. In barbarism the most important unit of regimentation is the body of kindred who reckon membership in the male line, and the patriarch becomes the high priest. In the monarchy the people are regimented by lands. The capital of the country of the aristocrac}- is the seat of govern- ment, the provinces are minor units of government, and the monarch is the vice-regent of the god. In monarchy a method of government and a consequent aiTangement of society in hereditary ranks obtain. As the units of government constitute a hierarchy of control in both civil and religious conduct, so also there is a hierarchical aristocracy. Position in this aristocracy is determined by hereditary descent. Every person is born into a rank in society. The kingship is inherent in a family and descends from father te son. In the failure of lineal descent the kingship passes into a collateral line. Thus a dynasty is produced whicli continues from father to son, or to nephew, or occasion- ally to daughter or niece, until such dynasty i^ overthrown. Other members of the aristocracy are nobles of various ranks; nobility passes from father to son, the eldest living son taking precedence, and the title may pass beyond lineal descendants into collateral lines. The monarch mav create new orders of nobility at will; and he may create nobles from the common ranks, and may also promote from rank to rank. It is thus that position among the nobles is in the gift of the crown as a reward for service. A shrewd monarch uses his power not only to reward men for service but also to keep up a body of persons of superior capacity to cooperate with him in sustaining the royal authority and dignity. In this manner a governing body is constituted in a liier- archy of ranks, social, governmental, and religious, with the power which inheres in wealth, the jjower which inheres in government, the power which inheres in the command of the POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXVIl armies, and the power which inheres in ecclesiastical domination and dignity. This comparatively small group of persons rule over the people, who are also arranged in a more or less clearly defined hierarchy of ranks, as freemen, serfs, and slaves. The freemen constitute a middle class, as merchants, artisans, farmers, and soldiers. In this class also there is a tendency to differentiate the people by their occupation into hereditary groups as guilds, so that the man inherits the occupation of his father. An extreme development of guilds results in the development of caste. In caste intermaiTiage between groups is forbidden; the higher castes become sacred, while the lower castes are held bv the higher castes as unclean, and not only is inter- man-iage prohibited but many other social functions can not be carried on in common. The failure of lineal descendants in the monarchy leads to disputes over the succession, and dynasties are often changed. The same thing occurs in the successions which occur in the ranks of the nobles. Sometimes these successions become a matter of interest to the crown, so that the monarch often takes part in determining successions, thus rewarding his friends and punishing his enemies. Throughout the stage of monarchy gi-eat armies are organized, and sometimes successful com- manders arise, and such commanders are rapidly promoted into the ranks of the aristocracy. Sometimes successful warriors become ambitious even for supreme rule, and they overthrow the reigning dynasty to usurp its wealth, honor, and power. Thus hostile dynasties are produced. We have now presented a meager and perhaps inadequate account of that stage of society which we call monarchy ; but the hope is entertained that the characterization has been suffi- cient to make plain how kinship society is transmuted into territorial society, while the principle of kinship with authority and privileges with the elder remains in the governing groups as an aristocratic body. CXVIIl ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [kth. ax.n. Jd REPUBLICKISM Tribal governiuents are almost pure democracies, if we understand by that term that leadership and measures of gov- ernment are submitted to the voice of all the people for decision. The ideal of tribal government which is forever held in view, though it may be obscured, is that of a pure democracy founded on the will of all the people directly expressed by them as individuals. When national government is established on a territorial basis, democracy is overthrown and kingship with aristoc- racy takes its place, and monarchial society is organized. Monai'chical society, in turn, gives place to a fourth stage, which we here call republickism. We use the term in no partisan sense and select a new form of the word in order to avoid partisan implications. The term republicanism, as used by statesmen, of whatever party they may be, usually signi- fies a method of representative government. It is in this sense that we use the term republickism, and we leave the terni democracy and also the term republicanism to be used with partisan meanings. As the fifteenth century di-ew to a close, Columbus, the great navigator and discoverer, became the promoter of an enterprise to sail westward from Europe in quest of a better route to the Indies, a land of fabulous wealth. For cen- turies scientific men had believed in the spherical form of the earth, but the great body of the people did not accept the doctrine. After many unsuccessful attempts Columbus at last sailed westward with a fleet bought at the price of the good Queen's jewels. Instead of discovering a route to the Indies, he discovered a new world. Perchance others had jjreviously discovered land at the north, but they knew it not as a new world, nor did they know it as a gateway to the land of fabu- lous wealth, nor were they impelled to the discovery by the acceptance of a doctrine of science. The merit of Columbus was his faith in science, and as a reward for his faith history crowns him as the Great Discoverer. The New World was the troph}' of science. POWEI.1.] SOCIOLOGY CXTX The New World became the theater of new enterprise. The discovery g-ave to science the liope that it might prevail against superstition. Perhaps the thought that science may be useful to mankind was more potent with boon to man than the enlargement of the theater of industrial enterprise. Be this as it may, the New World became the home of repub- lics. The example of these republics has spread the egis of free institutions over much of western Europe, and the leaven of freedom works unrest for all monarchial governments of the world. The principles of representative government may seem to flourish best when republics are founded in due form, but they have an almost equal potency in reforming monarchi- cal governments. Such governments may not formall3'^ adopt republickism in terms of free institutions, but by a legal fiction they may engraft on the monarchy the substantial principles of republickism, though nominally they are governed by an aristocracy with a kingly chief. Formal republickism and virtual republickism seem thus to be competing for universal dominion, though competition may in fact be cooperation. The agencies at work to transmute monarchy into repub- lickism may be summarily, though imperfectly, stated in the following manner: First, the industries of the world are undergoing transmuta- tion. Inventions multiply with the scientific thought that was born with the discovery of Columbus. Brawn is governed by bi'ain, and brain through brawn governs the forces of the world, and thus men are emancipated from toil. Through invention toil is raised to the dignity of industry sweetened with pleasure and rewarded with welfare. The invention of machinery and the development of scien- tific processes of production have had potent eiFect on the reconstitution of society. Handicrafts have been revolution- ized by the introduction of a high degree of intellectual skill, as manual skill is relegated to the operation of machinery to which great precision is given. When manual skill was obtained only by long practice in a restricted number of man- ual operations, it was held to be necessary to serve a long apprenticeship to a trade; but as the machine performs all the CXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 nice mechanical work, the artisan turns his attention to tlie control of the machinery, and to be successful in its manipu- lation he must understand the principle of mechanism and the application of powers to the accomplishment of human pur- poses. The skill now required in handicraft is the skill of intelligence supplemented with universal skill in handiwork. It is thus that industry is emancipated from the system of slavery involved in apprenticeship, and a new system is rap- idly developing in which childhood and youth are taught the fundamental elements of all handicrafts in the common schools. Political economists have deplored the inability of laborers to change their occupation, seeing that the introduction of ma- chinery destroys many a special handicraft, and the laborers employed therein are compelled to seek employments without the benefits of apprenticeship. The introduction into industry of scientific methods practically makes them all accessible to all men. Another change to be noticed is the enlargement of the sphere of commerce. Production may now be carried on in the most economic manner wherever special conditions exist favorable to production; climates may be more thoroughly utilized for the development of special products, and powers may be utilized wherever they are found under the most favorable conditions in nature. The enormous cheapening of products by their narrow specialization and by their multipli- cation through the efforts of the few who are the most favor- ably conditioned for the special production requires that the producers of large quantities of special goods have their prod- ucts distributed to great numbers of consumers, and thus com- merce is multiplied. For the development of commerce to meet these new conditions inventions are employed, and the highways of commerce are made to ramify throughout the country and throughout the world. All of these processes cooperate in the reconstitution of society by specializing industries and integrating them through commerce, and the lesson is taught in everyday life that human success is best promoted by serving others. Second, from the primeval state of society up to that state powELi] SOCIOLOGY CXXI of society which we call republickisni, tribes and nations were kept asunder by walls of language. An unknown tongue was a herald of enmity and a mark of folly, and aroused all the hate of superstition. When culture was buried in the classical languages, and when the accomplishment of the student was measured by his knowledge of these tongues, a great impetus was given to the acquisition of languages. Since science is promoted by all civilized nations, science itself demands a knowledge of many modern tongues. By all of these agencies it is discovered that a foreign tongue is not an unmeaning jargon, and language itself is no longer a barrier between civilized people. The wheels of commerce speed civilized men from land to land and they find themselves integrated by com- mon interests. There is a third agency by which the transmutation of society is accomplished. The literature of all lands is read in every land. The current history of all lands is recounted in every land. The agencies of intellectual culture are not restricted by national boundaries. Higher than all, and more potent than all, is the universal brotherhood of science by wliicli the discovery made by one man is revealed to every other man and by which the generalization made by one man enriches the thought of alL A fourth agency for the transmutation of society is found in the fine arts. The musical artist sings for the world. The limner paints for all lands. The actor impersonates for the universal stage. The novelist portrays for every fireside. The poet chants a lay to every dreamy heart. Thus the esthetic arts make a universal appeal to the finer feelings of mankind and forever teach the lesson of fraternity, and with the balm of joy heal the wounds of conflict. Fifth, all of these indirect agencies for the transmutation of society cooperate with the development of governmental prin- ciples due to the increasing intelligence of civilized men. With knowledge conies a love of justice that recognizes that rights may best be secured by the performance of duties. Forever and forever is this lesson taught by advancing culture. In the strife to establish justice through the agency of government CXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 men leani to delegate their power to representative men chosen for their wisdom. The first presentation of the true nature of representative government is i-ecorded in the hterature of Greece. In Phito's RepubHc we find romance deahng witli ideal government. The old philosopher dreamed of a state of society in which the conduct of government should be relegated to the wisest and best of mankind. Further, he attempted to set forth the con- ditions under which the wise men should rule by delineating their marriage relations and their property rights in terms that seem strange and even bizarre to modern thought. Alas, he did not properly comprehend the method by which the wise men could be selected. His theory of government by the wise and good became the ecclesiastical polity of the two great churches of early civilization — the Roman church and the Greek church, which were organized to secure the rule of the wise and good, and by both civil affairs w^re made subordinate to ecclesiastical affairs. While Plato thus became potent in founding the policies of these churches, Aristotle was more influential in founding their philosophies. The r61e which these two great thinkers played in the history of early civilization was profound, for they cast the thought of centuries into molds of learning, and these molds gave figure and structure to philosophy and to church polity which has lasted until modern times, when the molds were broken only by the blows of science. We have stated that to Plato we owe the earliest compre- hension of the principles of representative government. These principles we must now set forth. It is an inherent principle in society that the many follow where the few lead. Knowledge is always born of one and diffuses to the many. The annals of science are the record of the discoveries of individuals. Advances are made by discov- erers and the world of science is dependent upon intellectual leaders. A new thought may lie dormant until it finds clear expression. It often happens that new thoughts gain accept- ance only when they are presented by some person who has the genius of expression, but when they come to be deftly expressed they are speedily diffused among mankind. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY OXXIII We discover in nature diat all knowledge has its purpose, and that this purpose is its utilization in affairs of life. All knowledge must be utilized in this manner before it has its final expression which all men may understand. Universal diffusion of knowledge can come only by its utilization in the afiFairs of life which interest all mankind. This utilization depends first upon the inventor and second upon the under- taker — the entrepreneur. It is thus that knowledge must have a triune leadership in the discoverer, the inventor, and the undertaker, and they must cooperate for the increase and dif- fusion of knowledge among men; then only does knowledge receive its final expression which all men may understand. It is within the province of every government to promote eco- nomic policies, and this it must do, either for weal or for woe. The leaders of the people must be protected and encouraged — protected from injustice and encouraged by due reward. As their operations have a profound effect upon the progress and welfare of mankind, this effect must be promoted by the estab- lishment of justice to all. The four fundamental laws of eco- nomics for which governments are responsible are these: (1) Reward must be secured to the leaders; (2) protection must be given to leaders; (3) justice must be secured to their followers, and (4) welfare must be secured for all. The four maxims of good government require for their operation some method of securing wise and good men to carry on the govemment in all its departments. We have already seen that ancient society selected its leader by the methods of the pure democracy. There came a time when these methods broke down because of the great numbers of persons embraced in the body politic. Then the world tried a new plan of govemment by creating an hereditary aristoc- racy with hereditary kingship. This system also has failed. Now the effort to secure good government as representative government is undergoing trial. The theory of this method of government is fundamentally that of representation by election, but perhaps the principles of representation are inadequately understood. Let us try to formulate these principles. Fundamental or CXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 primary representation should not extend beyond the bound- aries of the primary units of government. These are town- ships, or wards, and the governing officers of these units should be elected by the citizens of the several units. In tlie secondary units, or counties, electors should be chosen by every township or ward composing the county, and they should select county rulers or city rulers where counties and cities are coterminous. In the third unit, which is represented by the state in this country, the county electors should choose the state ruler. In the fourth or grand unit, which is the nation, the county electors should choose national electors, and the national electors should choose the officers of the sen- era] government. This, it is believed, would perfect repre- sentative government. The rights and duties, or the theater of operations of the several units of government, should be defined ; that is, town- ship rights, county rights, state rights, and national rights should be jealously guarded and strictly observed. History has already demonstrated that the government can not safely be intrusted to an ecclesiastical body. History has already demonstrated that the government can not be intrusted to an hereditary body. History has already demon- strated that the government can not be intrusted to a purely democratic body. The advanced nations of the earth are now making the experiment of intru.sting government to a repre- sentative body, and it would be wisdom to consider how a representative body may be best chosen. The history of mankind has been the constant theme of the ages, because it has been the subject in which men are most deeply interested. Especially has tlie rise and fall of nations, the rise and fall of dynasties, and the part which individuals have played in such affairs been the theme most attractive. Notwithstanding this fact, the outlines of history as they have heretofore been presented have consisted largely of a more or less bare statement of events in chronological order. Univer- sal history has therefore been treated as annals. Special writers have attempted to treat of the different parts of history as the succession of causations, but universal history has rather POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXV been a compendium of names and dates. Since the establish- ment of some of the laws of evolution and the overthrow of the ancient doctrine of degeneracy, a new impetus has been given to history, and now a nmltitude of men are engaged in scien- tific research, having in view the discovery of the progress of mankind by revealing the causations involved. For this pur- pose the world is ransacked for the vestiges of human culture in all of the pentalogic departments of the humanities. His- tories as a science is thus disclosing a vast body of facts relating to the evolution of pleasures, industries, institutions, languages, and opinions. Hitherto we have considered only the nature of institutions, in attempting to set forth the four fundamental stages to be observed in their consideration. The course of history in the evolution of institutions is the best nucleus about which to gather the data of progress in the other departments of history. The sketch we are attempting will not permit of any exhaustive treatment. We must content ourselves with only a brief refer- ence to the evolution of pleasures, industries, languages, and opinions. The four stages of esthetic culture are well represented in the fine arts, which are music, graphics, drama, romance, and poetry. The course of this evolution we have already set forth to the extent necessary to this argument. We have shown that the stages of development in music are rhythm, melody, harmony, and symphony. In graphic art they are outlining, relief, perspective, and chiaroscuro. In drama they are dance, sacrifice, ceremony, and histrionic art. In romance they are beast fable, power myth, necromancy, and novels. In poetry they are personification, similitude, allegory, and trope. The four stages of industrial culture we have shown to be the hunter stage, the agricultural stage, the artisan stage, and the machinery stage, by setting forth the transmutations which these agencies have produced in society. In like manner we shall briefly revert to four stages of cul- ture in languages, and also in opinions, and shall attempt to correlate them with savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and CXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE EEPORT [kth. an.v. 20 republickism. It hardly seems necessary to call attention to the concomitancy of the five fundamental elements of culture, but simply to affirm that they are connate and that there can be no pleasure without welfare, and no welfare without justice, and no justice without expression, and no expression without opinion. Ethics There is a fallacy in the reasoning of primeval man which has produced what has come to be known as the ghost theory. The notion of consciousness as a reified property independent of the body is the first-born of those fallacies which constitute the foundation of metaphysic. But primeval man did not dis- criminate consciousness from cognition; so that tlie fallacy was rather the notion that organized consciousness or mind has existence independent of the body. So mind is reified and given a subtle tenuous body that can enter or depart from the material body. To understand the origin of this notion we must first dis- criminate between inference and cognition, and then realize that cognition is verified inference and that there is no cogni- tion without verification. Then we must understand that inference is the selection of a concept from memory with which to compare a sense impression. The consciousness of the sense impression and the consciousness of the concept are both attributes of self Hence inference is the comparing of a psychic effect on self with a psychic memory of an effect on self, to discover whether this cause is like that cause. It thus happens that the self is taken as the standard of comparison in every inference. The objective world is thus gauged by the subjective world. This doctrine in which man is taken as the measure of the universe is known in science as anthropo- morphism. In the individual it is the interpreting of the objective world by concepts of self, and as men communicate concepts to one another in the race it is tlie interpreting of the nonhuman universe in terms of the consciousness of man. If we understand the nature of inference and its dependence on verification to become valid cognition, we are prepared to POWELL] SOCIOLOGY OXXVII understand the origin of the ghost theory by unverified anthro- pomorphic inferences which produce fallacies. The fallacies at the foundation of the ghost theory are the fallacies of dreams. The notions of dreams are thus responsi- ble for the primitive doctrine of a ghost as a reified property. In dreams we traverse the regions of space and witness strange scenes and take part in wonderful deeds and have astounding emotions. That the notions of dream history are reinforced by the psychic phenomena of ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and insanity, we have set forth elsewhere. That such dream notions seem to be verified by certain phenomena of nature we have also shown, and need only to allude to shadows, reflected images, and echoes. Altogether this fallacy is deeply im- planted in the savage mind; it continues as a notion even in the minds of some of the most intellectual men of modem culture. In savagery the notion is that all bodies animate and inanimate alike have ghosts; the theory is then called animism. The relic of this theory in modem culture is the belief that all animals have ghosts, or, still further specialized, that only human beings have ghosts. The ghost theory has played an impoi-tant role in the devel- opment of ethics, which we will try to unfold. Jn savagery, life and mind are attributes of ghosts. Material bodies are supposed to be inert, while to the ghostly bodies is attributed all action. Rocks, waters, plants, and stars, as well as animals, have ghosts. It is to ghosts that all pui-poses are attributed, and all powers to accomplish purposes inhere in the ghosts of material bodies. All of the good and evil which befall savage men are thus attributed to ghostly beings. Dancing, music, and feasting are the superlative joys of savagery, and the joy is an attribute of ghosts. Pain also is the attribute of ghosts. Ghosts seek pleasure and avoid pain. It is universal in the primitive stage of society to seek for good and to avoid evil through the agency of ghosts. This motive leads to the organization of shamanistic customs which constitute the religion of the people to secure superlative good and to avoid superlative evil. The motive of primitive religion OXXVm ABMINISTRATIVE REPORT [etii, ann. 20 is the longing foi- superlative happiness, and it remains as the motive of religion in all stages of culture. Religion is thus a theory or doctrine of securing happiness. The happiness desired may be in the immediate future or the remote future; it may be for time or it may be for eternity, or it may be for both time and eternity. If we are to understand the nature of religion we must always conceive it to be a system of securing superlative happiness. The motive of religion is the gain of happness, and the methods of religion are the methods of obtaining happiness. We are now to explain what methods of securing superlative happiness are devised in savagery. Esthetic joys are the primary pleasures. Such joys are founded on the pleasures of physical activity; not the activity of labor itself, but on social activity. The dance is the prime- val ceremony of religion; connate with it is the joy of feasting, so that both feasting and dancing constitute connate religious ceremonies that are universal in savage society. The festival is a religious ceremony of savagery. Preparation for the highest enjoyment of the festival is often found in the pi-actice of fasting, so fasting becomes antecedent to festival. The pleasures of love naturally arise through the social pleasures of the festival and are often added. Therefore superlative happiness consists in the revelry of the festival. Days come and wants are renewed. Plenty brings joy, but hunger brings pain. The memory of want is the mother of fear. The experience of hunger is the primitive motive to industry, but industry has precarious rewards in savagery. The hunt may be in vain. The tree may not yield its fruits. The savage seems forever to be the victim of chance. The seasons come with heat and cold, with sunshine and with storm, and these vicissitudes press upon the savage a load of care and thought, for good and evil are dependent on the changes of nature. Over this nature he seeks to gain control. Primitive man knows of control only as control of motive. The ghosts of the world must be controlled in the interest of the people of the tribe. Ere he has learned to plant he attempts to allure, and before he attempts to control he attempts to POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXIX propitiate. He would secure happiness from the ghosts of the world by tempting them with the superlative joys of which he is himself conscious. So he attempts to influence ghosts with festivals, and to hold audience with the ghosts by charming them with the highest pleasures of which he has knowledge. Not only is the festival an assemblage of people, but it is also an assemblage of disembodied ghosts who take pleasure with them. The steps of the dance are controlled with the rhythm of music. Thus music and dancing become associated. Grhosts also love music. Music and dancing attract the ghosts to the festival and inspire in their tenuous hearts the highest grati- tude. But how can ghosts best exhibit this gratitude to men! To accomplish this the forest dwellers devise methods of talk- ing to ghosts, expressing their wants, revealing their inten- tions, and alluring to beneficent deeds. So ways are devised for communication with ghosts by gesture speech and illustra- tion. In savagery a religious ceremony is a text of prayer with illustrations — prayer in gesture speech and illustration in altar symbols. In every savage tribe a place of worship is provided, .which is also a place for the assemblage of the people in council, in social converse, and in amusement. Then an altar is pro- vided. An altar is a space on the floor or a table on which the paraphernalia of worship are exhibited. They consist of various things designed to symbolize the objects of prayer. Perchance the people pray for food; then com, acorns, por- tions of animal food or parts of animals that are held to rep- resent them are placed on the altar. With tribes that collect grasshoppers for food, grasshoppers are used and grasshopper cakes are displayed. With tribes that cultivate maize, ears of com become the emblems of desire, and ears of many differ- ent colors are selected to typify abundance. Then jewels of quartz and garnet and turkis and other precious stones are displayed to signify that the prayer is for well-matured grain, hard like the altar jewels. In arid lands they pray for show- ers and paint symbols of clouds upon altar tablets and provide flagons or ewers of water which they sprinkle in mimic show- -2,0 ETH— 03 IX CXXX ADMINISTRATIVE BEPORT [eth. ann. m ers with wands made of the feathers of birds. Birds are also associated in their minds with the planting time and with the harvest time, and they make images of birds, carving them of wood and painting them with brilliant colors, or they make their bodies of fragments of cloth and decorate them with feathers. The birds are then placed upon perches and the perches are placed upon the altar. Many are the devices to represent animal food. The similitudes and associations which are suggested to the savage mind are utilized in this manner in many a quaint way. The " con-espondences " which the sylvan mind discovers and invents to utilize in prayer speech would delight the heart of the mystic. Having provided an altar with its holy objects, the devout shaman pours forth his praises to the ghostly divinities and invokes their aid in controlling the sunshine and the storm, chanting in established forms of speech and prescribed reit- erations. As the prayer proceeds, at definite moments the appropriate symbols are displayed and symbolic actions are performed, all designed to illustrate the prayer. Such are the prayers of the sylvan man, designed to secure superlative happiness. The ceremonies are performed period- ically at appropriate seasons, and that they may not be neg- lected calendric systems are devised. These are painted on tablets of wood, on the tanned skins of animals, or on the walls of the house of worship, the calendars designating in some symbolic manner the time of the year when certain ceremonies are to be performed, the appropriate ceremonies for the time, the deities to whom the ceremonies are performed, and the characteristics of the ceremonies themselves. As primitive music has a religious motive, so primordial carving and painting have a religious motive. In like manner the first dramatic performances are religious, all designed to propitiate ghost deities and to secure their favors. When this stage of esthetic art as religion is fully developed, men have passed from savagery to barbarism. To rhythm melody is added in music, to outline drawing relief is added in graphics, and to dancing acting is added in the drama. Then tei-]).;icho- Po«Ei,i,] SOCIOLOGY CXXXI reaii relig-ion i.s developed into sacrificial religiou, for in bar- barism the altar symbolism is further developed, so that food aud drink are sacrificed to the gods. In this stage the ghost deities are believed to enjoy for themselves not only the danc- ing but the feasting which is offered them. All of the fine arts have their origin in religion, for in the worship of ghost deities tribal men seek to propitiate them and win their favors. In this effort they exhaust all their ingenu- ity in the production of music, graphic, drama, romance, and poetry. Tribal music is thus the worship of the gods; tribal graphic, in the same manner, is illustration to the gods; tribal drama is gesture speech to the gods; tribal romance is story about the gods, and tribal poetry is song of the gods; finally, tribal religion is first dancing to the gods, to which is added the feasting of the gods, and at the close of this state of society religion is terpsichorean and sacrificial in its essential charac- teristics. The practice of religion is no inconsiderable portion of tribal life, and it occupies a large sliare of tribal thought Here we must pause to emphasize the thought that religion has for its purpose the regulation of conduct in such manner as to secure, through the agency of the gods, superlative or per- fect happiness. Thus is the conduct of men regulated by motives that although artificial are yet profoundly potential, for the conduct which is thus instigated is held to be the wisest and best for mankind. It is the ethics of tribal men. Ethics is, therefore, a theory of superlative or perfect conduct. If we consider it as conduct, it is ethics; if we consider it as reward, it is religion. Ethics and religion are identical, the one is the reciprocal of the other. Through the stage of monarchy the king usurps the function of high priest. His courtiers flatter him as the \'ice-regent of deity, and he strives to be considered in this light. Often self- deceived by adulation he has a profound faith in the sacred character of his person and authority, notwithstanding which religion undergoes further development. The pageantry of kingly courts is the pageantrj^ of religious ceremony. The festivals which are promoted Vjy rulers all have a religious character, and the priesthood constitute a body of men who CXXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REl'ORT [kth. ann. 20 are often learned, often devout, often zealous, and often pro- foundly interested in the good of mankind. Ecclesiastics thus constitute a specialized body of men whose function it is -to receive the new born and consecrate them to the higher life of religion. It is their duty to train the youth in the nurture and admonition of religion. It is their duty to admonish and reprove for evil conduct It is their duty to guide men in all the ways of life. When the most important event of social life occurs, they solemnize the marriage and they seek and often exercise the power of controlling man-iage relations in the interest of religion; in sickness and in pain they shower com- fort and fortitude, and they bear jn their hands as offerings for religious conduct the bounties of paradise. When the portal of death is open, kindred and friends are consoled, and the occasion serves to enforce the doctrines of religion. Thus religion, which is a theory of superlative conduct, employs sanctions of superlative potency. The association of the fine arts continues through the stage of monarchy. Largely their evolution is accomplished through the agency of the priesthood, and men of genius who are devout worshipers contribute their share to the advancement of esthet- ics, often impelled by religious ecstasy. In music melody and harmony are added by ecclesiastics as an adjunct to temple worship. In graphic, to sculpture and relief perspective is added, impelling the motive of decoration to the walls of the temple. In drama the mysteries of religion still constitute the theme, while to dancing and sacrifice ceremony is added The drama is no longer the leading element in religious worship, but it becomes an accessory element designed to instnict tlie people in the mysteries of religion. In romance, to beast fables and power myths tales of necromancy are added. In poetry, to personification and similitude allegory is added, and the themes of poetry are mainly the themes of religion. Religion itself undergoes marked development. There still remains an element of terpsichorian worship and an element of sacrificial worship, but ceremonial worship is more highly developed, while terpsichorian and sacrificial worship is per- formed with an allegorical meaning. TowF.u.] SOCIOLOGY OXXXIII Here we oust note, as of profound significance, that the fine arts or arts of })leasure are all pursued in the interest of reli- gion. Music, like all the other fine arts, may be made by indi- viduals for personal pleasure, but in tribal and monarchical society the motive which secures excellence is demotic. This demotic excellence inheres in religious ceremonies. In these stages of society the evolution of the fine arts is therefore wholly dependent upon religion. It is thus that religion is practiced in intimate association with the pleasures of mankind, from which it receives the glamor of superlative joy. Ethics and religion are still identical, for religion as a theory of conduct is still the highest ethics of mankind. We have yet to portray the evolution of ethics during the social state of republickism. On the threshold of this phase of the subject we nuist consider the role which is played by great leaders in society. This we have already set forth in other departments of sociology, but in the department of ethics, moral leaders are most conspicuous, and by their disciples they are often esteemed divine, and especially do they rank as prophets. About their birth and about their personal history wonderful stories are told, and to their personal agency miracles are at- tributed. Among the most conspicuous of these great moral leaders, Laotse of the Chinese, Buddha of the Hindus, and Jesus of the Christians are perhaps most revered by the multi- tudes of mankind. Mohannned has a great body of disciples, though he departed from the course pursued by the othei-s in attempting to propagate his doctrines by the agencA' of the sword. These personages were all moral leaders who revolted against the ceremonial religion of their times, and as a substi- tute propounded doctrines of a higher ethical nature. He who would understand the principles of divine ethics must seek them in the teachings of Laotse, Buddha, and Jesus. Our civilization is familiar with the teachinirs of him who tau'dit moral perfection in the Sermon on the Mount, which has been reiterated, amplified, and illustrated by the greatest thinkers,, the wisest men, and the purest characters that have lived in all the history of the Christian nations. The disciples of these projjhets have invoked the aid of the CXXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE BKPORT [kth. ann. 20 fine arts, and thus the most exahed of the esthetic pleasures have become associated with their teaching. The sweetest music has still a religious theme. The most beautiful graphic has still a religious motive — that is, au ethical motive. The most thrilling play has still an ethical purpose. The most absorbing story has still a high moral. The most entrancing poem is still informed with the spirit of truth. Music has added symphony to its methods; 25iuiiting has added chiaroscuro; drama has added histrionic representations; romance has added the delineation of consequences for moral conduct, and poetry has added trope. Religion also has developed another stage which demands our consideration: Moral concepts pi'opagated by teaching and assimilated by acception are affiliated to the notions already entertained ; hence great prophetic teachers are not able to diffuse their doctrines in their purity, they can only propagate them in a modified form. Concepts are propagated by cross fertilization, from which new varieties spring. To propagate fruits with their essential characteristics we must resort to cuttings; but concepts can not be propagated as cuttings, but only by fertilization. Thus moral concepts in the process of diffusion are modified. It is impossible in society to start a new stock of concepts. Moral opinions can not abruptly be revolutionized ; they can only be developed. The past can not be ignored by the present; the present is ever modifying the past. Healthy change must be evolution, not revolution, though there is an element of revolution in all evolution. Something nmst be overthrown that evolution may be accomplished. Tlie individuals of a species must die that new species may be developed, but the new species must be the offspring of the old. The great moral teachers and prophets have never succeeded in establishing a principle of ethics in all its purity as conceived by themselves. The notions of ceremony developed during the stage of monarchy were modified by the teachings of the prophets, so that a ceremonial religion was developed into a fiducial religion in which the ceremonies are considered as effi- TOWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXXV cient agencies of teaching; but the essential nature of ethical conduct is lield to inliere in the opinions which men entertain. Ethics is a faith, and hence we call this stage of ethics fiducial. Men must entertain the opinions believed to be wise that they may gain that superlative happiness which is the reward of condxict. But how shall men know the good from the evil conduct! By what criterion shall men be guided in the affairs of life? Here a threefold standard is erected. The first is the teaching of the ancients, the second is the teaching of the priesthood, the third is the voice of conscience. These three authorities are supposed to coincide in producing valid concepts of good and evil. Conscience is the instinctive impulse to moral conduct. To understand this statement we must explain the origin of instincts. Instinct is to the emotions what intuition is to the intellections. Intuitions are habitual judgments of intellect, as instincts are habitual judgments of tmotion. As intuitions become heredi- tary, so instincts become hereditary. The substrate of instinct is the choice exhibited in affinity. In the human mind the affinity of the several particles is organized as an apparatus of choice with a nervous system of ganglia, nervous fibers, and muscular apparatus which consists of a hierarchy of instruments of activity, otherwise called self-activity. The habitual exercise of this apparatus in any particular method results in the production of habits which, on becom- ing hereditary, are called instincts. An instinct is inherited not as a developed habit, but as a tendency and facility to do or act in a definite manner. In common life these instincts are observed on every hand. The instinct to partake of food is inherited as an aptness and developed as a practice; so the instinct to walk is inherited as aptness and developed by prac- tice. The instinctive fear of serpents is inherited as an apt- ness and developed by practice, so that children as well as adults easily acquire the fear of serpents and express this fear and repulsion by acts of fright and avoidance. The fear of fire is easily and speedily developed. There thus exists a tendency in the human mind to moral CXXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE KEPORT [eth. ann. 20 conduct and to inhibition of immoral conduct. This tendency is called conscience. Every human being is thus endowed with conscience as an instinct or hereditary aptness to act in a moral way. There are many other habits that are instinctive, and other instincts may control the individual while the moral instinct is held in abeyance. The moral instinct, like all the other instincts, is inherited only as an aptness and must be developed by exercise. Conscience can be cultivated only by the moral sentiments which the individual entertains. The sentiments of good and evil are governed by the knowledge of truth and error; that is, the emotions are fundamentally gov- erned by the intellect, although the emotions may in like manner govern the intellect, for intellect and emotion are cooperative in every act of life. The knowledge of good and evil follows hard upon the knowledge of truth and eri'or. In the economy of nature the intellect is first the servant of the emotional life until by its high development it becomes the master. In the ethics or religion of man in the scientific stage of culture the knowledge of good and evil will depend upon the knowledge of truth and error. Then conscience will be an infallible guide; thus con- science becomes the ultimate criterion. Ethical conduct is conduct sanctioned by conscience. The ideal of religion has ever been the control of conduct by that agency, although other sanctions have been employed. Conscience is the child of religion and evolves as religion evolves, and religion evolves as the intellect evolves. Such are the characteristics of the religion or principles of ethics inherited by the moral teachers of modern times — teach- ers who flourish in the atmosphere of science. Among- these there is a goodly number of moral reformers; in fact, as a class they are all moral reformers, some preaching against this evil, some against that; some exalting this virtue, others exalting that. The moral teachers of the times are more and more eschew- ing the ancient doctrines of theoretical ethics and devoting their energy to practical ethics. Theories of faith are held in abeyance to theories of practice. It needs but a few genera- POWELL) SOCIOLOGY CXXXVII tions to come and go before the new teaching of theory will be founded wholly on principles derived from practice. This will be the establishment of scientific ethics. The agencies of religion are multifarious; the teachers of religion are potent. The organization of institutions of religion are all progressive. They have not to be overthrown, but only to be perfected. We have identified ethics with religion. The teachers of religion may have erred in theories of ethics, and they may have been instrumental in the enforcement of ethical doctrines by unwise agencies. Some of these agencies have been of a character utterly revolting to modem concepts of good and evil conduct. Usually the religion taught has been the reli- gion believed, though hypocrites have often nestled in the fold. The claim for superior conduct and for the sanctity of its teachings has enticed bad men into the ecclesiastical ranks. Above all, and more than all, the establishment of an official priesthood as one of the functions of government and one of the aristocratic estates has been the cause of abuses and horrors in the name of religion for which the student of ecclesiastical history must forever blush. As astronoun- was developed from astrology, as chemistry was developed from alchemy, as medicine was developed from necromancy, so ethics is the lineal descendant of animism. Purified from animism, religion will remain forever to bless mankind. Having set forth the nature of ethics, it now remains to classify its subject-matter in compliance with the pentalogic qualities. It is believed that the classification will occur to every atten- tive reader and that its fundamental nature is evident. It is necessary, therefore, to state the classification without further elaboration. The subject is grouped into (1) the ethics of pleasure and pain; (2) the ethics of welfare and want; (3) the ethics of justice and injustice; (4) the ethics of truth and false- hood; (5) the ethics of wisdom and folly. It is the province of ethics to teach perfect character by pro- moting conduct governed by principles instinctively enter- CXXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOET [eth. asn. 30 tained as conscience, so that all acts are spontaneously good. Such conduct is purely ethical. In the science of economics we find that self-interest is sub- served by promoting the interest of others. In the science of institutions it is discovered that justice for self can be obtained only by doing justice to others. Rights may be obtained by performing duties. In the science of ethics we learn that all conduct, egoistic and altruistic alike, must become sponta- neous and habitual. Habitual conduct thus spontaneously con- trolled has its sanctions in conscience. Ethics, therefore, is the science of conduct controlled by conscience. PHILOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF ACTIVITIES DESIGNED FOR EXPRESSION Introduction The fourth group of arts in the scheme hitherto presented in this journal consists of the languages which men devise to express their thoughts. Every art has its foundation in nature, for art arises through the attempt to improve on nature. Activity, as we have defined it, or self-activity as it is often called in psychology, is the primeval expression of animals by which their thoughts are interpreted by other animals. This primeval activital expression assumes a new phase under development, when it is known as the language of the emo- tions. In fact, primitive activital expression is the germ from which all other kinds of language are developed. All nature is expressive, but activital nature is especially expressive of mind. Thus activities constitute a natural lan- guage expressing the minds of activital bodies, but such expres- sion is not designed to be understood by others; it is therefore not conventional, and therefore not artificial. Natural expres- sion must be distinguished from artificial expression or lan- guage, for natural expression is not designed to convey con- cepts, while expressions which are designed to convey concepts constitute language. Hence language may be defined as the artificial expression of concepts in judgments by words in propositions. Natural methods of activity are themselves indicative of thought which others may interpret, but when activities are conventionally produced for the purpose of expression and are interpreted as such by others, language is produced. The producer of the speech implies the interpreter of the speech, and the two by custom come into a tacit agreement or under- standing by which the language becomes artificial as conven- tional. So language may again be defined as an activital movement designed to convey thought to others. CXL ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 It may be well to reexamine briefly the nature of activital movement, altlioug'h the subject has more elaborate treatment in my former work entitled Truth and Krror. Movements in the animal body are performed by nmscles. The muscles are found in opposing })airs, or more or less in opposing groups, which have the function of contracting and relaxing, and one may contract while the other relaxes, and thus originate a movement in the animal body. The contraction and relaxa- tion are produced through the agency of metabolism. When metabolism is constructive it is called auabolism, when it is destructive it is called catabolism. I suppose that catabolism produces conti-action and that anabolism produces relaxation, but of this I am not sure Certain it is that when muscles are contracted and relaxed, metabolism in both its methods is involved, so that all muscular action is founded on metabolic action, and metabolic action involves affinity, which is choice, as we have heretofore deductively demonstrated. The move- ments in animals which depend on muscular action due to the function of opposing muscles, one of which relaxes and the other contracts, we call activity. Activity is under the control of the will, for the individual animal controls activity indi- rectly by controlling the metabolism of molecules. It is thus that activity is innate in every living animal Ipody. Emotional Language The natural expression of strong emotion is cultivated by man in the earlier stages of society and likewise in childliood, so that an artificial language of the emotions is produced. Thus we have in laughter the language of joy, and in weeping the language of grief, each highly expressive of emotion. To man who already uses language in its liighl}- developed state, it may seem at first blush that laughter is a purely nat- ural ebullition of joy, but on further examination he will see that it is no less artificial and conventional than the tenn joy itself; yet it is probably universal witii inankind and is an expression inherited from his anthropoid ancestor. Those species nearest allied to this anthropopithecus indulge in laughter, and even s(juirrels chatter in a manner exceedingly suggestive of laughter. i««F.i.i.] PHILOLOGY OXLI Of wliiit emotion laughter is the expression in its purely natural state we are left to conjecture. Let us assume, as seems probable from the little evidence we have, that it was the expression of joy, for it has this meaning with the species allied to anthropopithecus. Then came a time when laughing was conventional, as being designed for such expression that others who heard might understand it in this maimer; then laughter became true language as we have defined it. Used at firat with difficulty, it speedily became easy, and becoming easy it gradually became habitual, and finally instinctive by inheritance. The nature of this process ca,n well be illustrated by citing the case of screaming, of which we will treat a little later. Even laughter is consciously used with designed expression, as when we laugh at things which are not amusing to us out of courtesy to others, when its original nature becomes apparent. In treating of emotional expressions it will serve present pur- poses to speak only of one meaning for each expression; thus we speak of laughing as an expression or word of joy, but laughter, like all words in spoken or written language, has many meanings; in fact, emotional signs are especially char- acterized by multifarious meanings; for this reason emotional language is highly ambiguous and a ready tool for deception. Smiling as an expression of pleasure. In smiling we have an expression of an emotion, less intense than that of joy, which may best be called pleasure. In laughter the muscles about the mouth, especially the risorius, are contracted, as also are the orbicular muscles about the eyelids. The group of muscles involved may be called the smiling muscles. The smile needs no further description. It expresses pleasure in a great variety of meanings, and it is clearly seen to be artificial, whether the ajiproval be genuine or assumed. " I set it down That one may smile, and smile, and be a villain." Weeping as an expression of grief. In weeping tears flow and various muscles about the eyelids, especially the orbicu- lars, are involved, for through their agency tears are produced. CXLII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 The expression of sorrow is also found about the corners of the mouth, which droop. All the muscles that take part in the expression, and there are many, may be called the muscles of grief. Those naturalists who are also psychologists explain the origin of weeping in the irritation to which the eyes are subject from smoke, dust, or other foreign particles and from scratches and blows. Primitive man seized upon this natural effect of discomfort to artificially jjroduce weeping in order that he might express grief to others. Thus weeping became a linguistic sign, and a linguistic sign is a word in the gener- alized meaning of the term. Weeping is expressive of many emotions; hence the word has many meanings. Like all other signs of emotion it may be used in the practice of deception. Sobbing as the expression of despair. Sobbing is caused by sudden or spasmodic inspiration and is accompanied by the facial signs of grief through the action of the muscles of grief Habit has made it instinctive, but its true nature as an arti- ficial sign is plainly exhibited when sobbing is simulated. Screaming as a sign of command. Screaming is common to many of the lower animals, both mammals and brutes; it seems to be universally used by the young as a cry for help and is thus subject to the will. In the human infant the instinct of screaming is exhibited before that of weeping. It is probable that all generations of human beings and genera- tions of remote prehuman ancestry practiced the art. In the human being it is a cry or command for relief, and is so inter- preted by every mother. Thus a cry has evolved into a word. Bodily attitwle as a sign of anger. The emotion of anger, which is naturally expressed by striking, has many concomi- tants. In the infant it is accompanied by kicking and the general activity of the body which may be called squirming. This general activity causes a determination of blood to the head, so that the angry person becomes red. Another accom- paniment of anger is the assumption of an attitude of belliger- ence, when the form is held erect, the hands are clenched as fists, and the arms held akimbo. With the adult, striking and kicking are often inliibited, while there yet remain the attitude and the flushed face. This attitude is a true linguistic TO^ELi] PHILOLOGY CXLIII sign and hence a word. Sometimes the anger is expressed by simulated kicks, but usually this expression is one of contempt. Among some of the lower races the expression of striking is with the hands, for the}' are more accustomed to slapping than to fisticuffs. Showing the teeth as a sign of rage. Rage is a more intense anger, and to the sign of anger is added an additional element which is earlier than that sign. Brutes fight mainly with their teeth, and express their anger by showing their teeth, espe- cially their canines; they also express anger by bodily atti- tude, and finally they express it as an artificial sign b}' erecting the hairs of the body, especially around the head and neck, thus causing a show of great size and strength. There remains with the more evolved man the sign-word of exposed teeth, in which the canines especially are displayed, as a habit inherited from the brute. It is thus that the more intense anger which we call rage is artificially expressed by man in an exhibition of the teeth, and perhaps in grinding them together. Compressing the lips as a sign of determination. The com- pression of the lij)s as a word expressing determination or fixed purpose is universal among mankind. In origin it probably expressed the meaning, "there is no further word to be said." If so, its meaning has gradually changed. With this meaning it has become habitual and hereditary, so that the expression is made when the determination is made, without conscious intent to express this meaning to others; yet it is still used with this intent when we wish to simulate determination. Frowning as a word of disapproval. Disapproval is expressed by frowning, which as a sign has become an artificial word. No word of emotional language is more common or more readily understood, and yet it is not devoid of ambiguity. It is expressed by the eyebrows through the corrugator muscles. But as these muscles are used in many other signs there is an element of uncertainty in its interpretation. Many other activities are used for expression. We may mention a few more without discussing their origin. They are, averting the head as a word of disdain ; shrugging the shoul- ders as a word of doubt, hesitancy, or helplessness; raising the CXLIV ADMINISTRATIVE BEPORT [kth. ans. 20 eyebrows as a word of surprise; turning the eye without averting the head as a word of warning; beckoning to approach; beckoning to depart; beckoning to keep silence; beckoning not to move; nodding assent; shaking the head in negation. The pi-inciple of antithesis has been potent as an agency in the devehipment of emotional language, as from its nature it is the expression of judgments about qualities. Qualities are always antithetic. This is one of the characteristics by which they are distinguished from properties and quantities. Dar- win, in his Emotions in Man and Animals, abundantly d(3m- onstrates this principle. In a subsequent article we shall attempt to demonstrate that the emotions are fundamentally and properly classified as feel- ings, enjoyments, affections, understandings, and sentiments. Oral Language introduction One method of expressing emotional language has been developed as oral speech. The characteristics of this method peculiarly fit it for development in the first stages of human culture. The organs of speech can be used when the organs of locomotion and manipulation are otherwise employed. This characteristic serves a double purpose : it is advantageous to the maker of speech, and it is also advantageous to the interpreter. In visual language the interpreter must have his attention preadjusted thereto, while in order that it may sei-ve his purpose the maker must also see that attention is paid. The conditions for conveying speecli are superior in these respects to those for conveying visual language. Doubtless this advantage led to the development of speech in advance of the development of gesture language. With the development of speech the organs with which it is produced were evolved until an apparatus was constructed capable of making with precision the diff'erentiated sounds of speech and music, and of combining them into syllabic suc- cessions and the syllables into polysyllabic words. Doubtless POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLV the experience of very many generations was necessary to the production of the apparatus, and without doubt it can be affirmed that oral speech itself was developed in many of its essential characteristics during the process. From study of the sjDeech of birds we are led to conclude that the primitive speech of man was probably exclamatory, and that the first words were designed as warnings, calls, invi- tations to mates, and other simple expressions. To these were then added pronouns which served both demonstrative and personal functions. The 7, the you, and the he probably sub- served the purpose of the here, the there of you, and the there of him, for which specialized cries were developed even as they are among the lower animals. Svxcli cries may best be called exclamations; thus the exclamation is the first part of speech. It is a verb or word of the imperative mode in being an excla- mation, and it is a noun in being a pronoun. In this stage parts of speech are undifferentiated, for every word serves the purpose of all parts of speech. Refined distinctions of thought and refined distinctions of expression were not as yet. From observations of child-language and from observations of bird-speech it seems probable that inflections or glides of the voice from higher to lower keys constitute the primitive method of differentiating the meanings of such words. Then, perhaps, adjectives of good and bad were developed, not as adjectives, but as asserters of good and evil. They were thus verbs as adjectives and as asserters. Thus pronominal verbs and adjectival verbs may have been made ere the organs of speech were fully developed for the expression of well-differ- entiated sounds. Words of a simple character were made with undifferentiated meanings, of undifferentiated sounds, by undifferentiated organs. Thus far we may legitimately go, guided by the phenomena of bird-speech and child-language. To trace the evolution of oral language beyond this stage we must depend on vestigial phenomena. To set forth the characteristics of oral speech it will be found advantageous to explain the evolution of its characteristics as found in the higher languages. For this purpose it becomes necessary to explicate the elements of oral speech. These ele- 20 ETH— 03 X CXLVI ADMINISTRATIVK REPORT [kth. an.n. 20 raeuts iu-e (1) sounds, which give rise to the science of phonics; (2) vocables or words, which give rise to the science of lexi- cology; (3) the use of words in sentences, which gives rise to the science of grammar; (4) the derivation of words one from another, which gives rise to the science of etymology; (5) the significance of words, which gives rise to the science of oral sematology. PHONICS The advantage which sound possessed over other elements of emotional language caused it to be much used and thus to be highly developed. In the process of this evolution special organs of speech were produced. Vocal speech thus became universal with mankind. In the passage of air through the throat by inhalation or expulsion, sounds are emitted by means of the vibration of the vocal chords, which sounds are made in great variety by lengthening or shortening the chords and by passing the air with greater or less force. Another class of sounds are produced by the modification of breathing with the lips, teeth, tongue, palate, and nostrils. The consonants may be classified in this manner. With such a complex apparatus, subject to the will of the speaker, a great variety of consonantal and vowel sounds may be produced. In the practice of ages the undifferentiated sounds made by primeval man are gradually specialized. This specialization pertains more to the consonants than to the vowels. A peculiarity is found in these consonantal sounds, for in the difi"erent languages particular difi'erentiations occur more or less characteristic of them severally, so that a language may often be distinguished by its consonants. One language may be remarkable for its development of labial sounds, another for its development of dental sounds, another for its development of lingual sounds, another for its development of nasal sounds, another for its development of palatal sounds. Again, languages may vary in being more or less vocalic — that is, the speakers may resort more or less to the vocalic sounds as compared with the consonantal sounds. Again, there are certain sounds that are intermediate between vowels and POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLVII consonants, and these may prevail to a greater or less degree in different languages. It is thus that the vocal apparatus of sound used to express speech in voice is capable of producing a great number of different sounds when we consider all the languages of mankind. On the other hand, when we consider the sounds of any particular language we find that only a limited number of well-differentiated sounds are used. Per- haps two or three score of such well-differentiated sounds will be discovered. If for any language we wish to represent every sound by a distinct character, the problem is more easily solved because the number of sounds to be represented is thus restricted. Should we wish to represent all the sounds of all the languages by distinct characters, so that one character will stand for its special sound and no other, the problem is not so easily solved. The characters, then, are far more numerous. Very much practice and great painstaking are required to discover the sounds of an unknown tongue. The speech of one man differs from another in the emission of sounds, even though they may have a common language. There are thus innumerable slight differences in the sounds produced in the same language by different persons, but habit interprets them according to a common standard which is established by vocal and written spelling. The habit thus formed of interpreting the sounds of the language to a conventional norm renders it very difficult to interpret the sounds of an luiknown tongue. It is thus that students of the lower and unwritten languages use very different characters, because they interpret the sounds- of such languages by assimilating them to the sounds with which they are more or less familiar; and there ai-e instances in which the same person will interpret a sound as one thing and then another by its associations, and even in the same word the sound will have a double interpretation on different occa.sions or when used by different persons. There are certain characters used to represent sounds in which this liability to misinterpre- tation is common. Such are the sounds represented bv / and n, the sounds represented by p and h, and even by p, h, and iv. In one language related sounds may not be differentiated, and the synthetic sound produced will then be inter])reted in Vary- CXLVIII ADMINISTRATIVE EEPOET ieth. ann. 20 ing ways. It is thus that the student of the phonics of many languages will always have a perplexing problem to solve. Primitive languages are widely separated from one another. As they are now found they are already evolved into a high state of complexity and special sounds are developed in every one, for the centuries during which they have been spoken can not be enumerated. Some languages are more highly evolved than others, but there is no reason to believe that one tongue has its roots more deeply embedded in antiquity than another. Surely no philologist would dare to affirm that the roots of one language are more ancient than those of another. The philologist may compare a language as it is spoken now with the same language as it was spoken in some ancient time, and he may also compare a less developed language with the ancient stages of a more highly developed language. In doing this he may speak of a cun-ent language as if it were antique ; but we must understand by this not that he affirms greater antiquity for the language, but that he affirms for the methods of tlie lower language a state of evolution revealed in the ancient forms of a highly developed tongue. LEXICOLOGY I use the term lexicology to denote the science of vocables or words. The dictionary and the thesaurus illustrate two methods of assembling words for use. By one they are arranged alphabetically ; by the other they are arranged clas- sifically with an alphabetic key. The science of words is pur- sued in both of these methods, and I call the study of words the science of lexicology. It will be seen that this science is well differentiated from the other sciences of language, although it can not dispense with phonology, graimnar, ety- mology, and sematology, for the elements of language are concomitant. For dictionaries the alphabetic arrangement of words is not only convenient but necessary to their utilization. A classifi- cation of words by their meanings is a very difficult task which has never been accomplished in any perfect manner, and yet such a classification, to which an alphabetic key is appended. POWELL) PHILOLOGY CXLIX is very useful to the scholar who is careful iu the selection of his terms. A vocable is a succession of sounds that are emitted in a prescribed order. This constant order by much repetition establishes a habit of emission which integrates the word and distinguishes it from other words. Thus an habitual succes- sion of sounds constitutes a word. In sentences words are used also in succession, but the successions are variable and hence they do not integrate by habitual expression. In sen- tences the variability in the order of expression is an agency by which the sounds are pi-evented from coalescing; in words the invariability produces coalescence, so that we may define a word as a succession of coalescing sounds. The degree of coalescence is variable, and the degree of the separation of words in the emission is variable. Thus words may be of more than one syllable and yet the syllables may be distinct in a minor degree, while the words of a sentence flow into each other so that one sentence may be distinguished from another, but the separation of words is more distinctly marked than the separation of syllables. In the production of words from sounds idiosyncrasies pre- vail which are peculiar to the diff'erent languages severally. In one language certain sounds will not coalesce with certain other sounds to the extent necessary to the formation of a word, but one or the other of them will be modified. Facility in the combination of sounds into words is thus variable from language to language. GRAMMAR • Grammar is the science of airanging words in the sentence. Sometimes it is called syntax. Grammar is held to include other of the elements of language, but we liave already seen that the elements of language are concomitant, and one can not be considered without implicating the other, and often overt affirmation is necessary. The word and the sentence may be identical units; that is, a word may be a whole sen- tence. In some languages most sentences are but single words. In the examination of the many languages spoken by CL ADMINISTRATIVE BEPOBT [eth. ann. 20 mankind they are found to differ from one another in the degree in whicli they construct monovocable sentences. It may be affirmed that the greater the prevalence of mono- vocable sentences the lower is the language in the scale of culture. The characteristic which we have here described has been called by various terms, as synthesis, polysynthesis, or encap- sulation — using as a figure of speech the inclosing of boxes, one within another, in the order of their size. Perhaps it will be better to use the term coined for the purpose by Ijieber. He calls such languages "holophrastic," and a word-sentence may be called a "holophrasm." Bird sentences seem to be holophrasms, while some bird songs may be sentences com- posed of more than one word. In child speech we discover that the first words spoken are sentences. We may thus con- clude that the primal speech was holophrastic. We must now set forth the manner in which speech is devel- oped from the primitive holophrastic condition to that which has sometimes been called analytic, but which we will here call organic. The terms synthetic and analytic are misleading in that they implicate fallacies, hence we have selected the terms holojjhrastic and organic as they will better convey our meaning. The organs of a sentence are the parts of speech of which it is composed. We must therefore deal with the parts of speech. In words the office of assertion is fundamental. This office is often called predication. Attempts have been made from time to time to group the things which can be asserted or predicated, and they have been called predicaments. In that stage which we have reason to believe to be universal in the lowest culture all the offices of words are performed by one holophrasm. I say to an offender, "Go!" I mean by the expression, You, the offender, and I further mean to assert a command that he leave my presence. All of these things are implied in the word go. The word come may thus be used. So we may use a great variety of imperative verbs. In like manner all adjectives may be used. In savage languages POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLI adjectives may be conjugated as verbs in the different voices, modes, tenses, numbers, and persons. We have in JCnglish many so-called verbs which are in fact adjectives used as verbs in this manner. Participles and adjectives are one in office; only difference in office constitutes different parts of speech. In all verbs the office of assertion still remains in the words. Words which still retain this office are called verbs, whether they express action or not; that which is essential to the part of speech which we call a verb is the office which it performs as an asserter. When the verb to he is used as an asserter it is a more fully differentiated verb. All other verbs are less differ- entiated, for they perform other offices in a greater degree. In the expression "I hear," ^ear is both an asserter and an adjective. The two offices may be differentiated by using two words, "I am hearing," am being the asserter and hearing the adjective. Even yet am is not a fully differentiated asserter, for am also conveys the idea of first person, singular number, and present tense. The degi-ee to which the offices of words are specialized is variable in different languages, and it is also variable in differ- ent ways of expression found in the same language. The verb often contains in itself the elements of the holophrasm, which may or may not be repeated in the sentence, when the verb is said to agree in such characteristic with its subject or even with its object, using these terras in their grammatical sense. This is a characteristic of the classical languages. Such tongues give duplicate expression to ideas, and hence require duplicate efforts of thought and expression. The evolution of modern languages out of languages, in which holophrastic methods prevail has as its essential motive economy of thought and speech. This is obtained by the atrophy of methods of agreement. When number is expressed in the noun, in the adjective, and also in the verb or asserter, the number must be considered three times and expressed three times. The greatest economy is yet not all told. When such methods of expression are replaced by organic methods, and only one word is used to express the number, it is found that in the vast majority of cases the purpose of the speaker is OLH ADMJNISTEATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 better accomplished by omitting to express the number. It is thus that in a perfectly developed organic language it is pos- sible for the speaker to give his attention exclusively to the expression of the thought desired, and he need not detain the locution to consider and express multifarious inconsequent details. Why should a person in speaking of a ship be com- pelled to think of its number, its gender, and its case every time he uses the word, or the verb with it, or the adjective with it, when such particulars are of no consequence in the narrative 1 The varying of forms of words to express particulars about the thing of which the word is a name is called inflection. The classical languages are thus highly inflected. The mod- ern languages wliich have developed from the classical stage are more thoroughly organic. Yet men with linguistic super- stitions mourn the degeneracy of English, German, and French without being aware of the great improvement which has been made in them as instruments for the expression of thought. All words are names, and names are used in sentences for the purpose of making assertions. A sentence consists of a subject, an asserter, and an object. The subject is that of which something is asserted. The object is that which is asserted of the subject, and the asserter is that which predi- cates the object of the subject. . In the science of language subject and object are terms used in a diiferent sense from that in which they are used in psychology. Sometimes the sentence is said to be composed of subject and predicate, in which case the asserter and the object are considered as one; but this habit involves an error in the discrimination of the offices of words. It is fundamental to the sentence that the three offices should be performed. The offices of words in sentences, as distinguished from their meanings, are as subject, asserter, and object; but as we call the asserter a verb we may say that the primary parts of speech are subject, verb, and object. Then there are subor- dinate parts of speech. The subject may be qualified, limited, or defined; we shall call the words which perform this office adjectives. The verb may also be qualified, limited, or de- powELi] PHILOLOGY ~"-^ CLIII fiued; that is, the assertion may be affirmative, negative, or conditional; we shall call the words which perfonn this office modals. Again the object may be qualified, limited, or de- fined; we shall call the words which perform this office adverbs. Thus the six parts of speech are the subject, verb, object, adjective, modal, and adverb. The gi-ammars of the higher languages have hitherto been constructed on the theory that the classical languages were the proper standard of comparison, but in English certainly there is a tendency to consti'uct grammar on the theory that the standard of comparison must recognize the subject, the asserter, and the object, which are then treated as defined or modified by subordinate elements. Already this change has made much progress, for practical teachers find that the elements of grammar when considered in this manner are far more simple and lend themselves better to intelligent instniction. ETYMOLOGY Etymology is the science of the derivation of vocables or spoken words. Human cries are probably the elements from which words are derived, and words have been evolved there- from by the gradual differentiation of specialized sounds as the apparatus of speech has been developed. That words may serve the purpose for which they are designed in expressing concepts they must be enunciated by the speaker and heard by the person addressed. In making and receiving the sounds of speech the persons who are in daily association cooperate, so that the development of speech is a demotic process, for words must not only be spoken but heard, and they must be informed with thought if they convey thought. In tribal life, which is the earliest society, the tribe constitutes the body of persons by whom a language is developed. We shall hereafter see that in this state an intertribal lan- guage is evolved which involves other methods of speech not produced by the vocal organs. This intertribal language is gesture speech. Gesture speech thus seems to be the normal language for intertribal communication so long as tribes remain distinct. CLIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPOKT [eth. a.nn. 20 In the evolution of social groups one tribe coalesces with another. Some tribes develop their numbers to such an extent that they fall apart and no longer actively cooperate in the development of oral speech. The coalescing of distinct tribes or of fragments of distinct tribes is one of the great agencies in the evolution of language. Distinct tongues render mutual aid in the process. The language originating in this manner is compounded, and a wealth of synonyms is produced which readily take on specialized meanings highly advanta- geous, particularly to people who extend over a wide area of country in search of food or impelled by a desire for barter, and especially is it advantageous for tribes or portions of tribes that migrate to new habitats. In early society migration is a potent agency in the evolution of language. New scenes origi- nate new thought, and new thought promotes new expression, and the new expressions are most readily learned from new tongues. It is thus that the vocables of a language are multiplied as synonyms by the coalescing of distinct languages, which words ultimately have specialized meanings. This process has been continuous among mankind. Small tribes have become great tribes, and tribes have become nations, and nations have been absorbed by nations until the multitudinous tongues spoken in savagery have been greatly reduced in number and the tongues spoken by the developed nations of civilization have become few in number. This is the gi'and factor in the evolution of language, thoroughly attested by the history of civilization, for the tribes of savage and barbaric people are found with a much greater diversity of tongues than the peoples of civilization. New thoughts come with advancing culture. The words by which the new concepts are expressed may be new words from new languages, bvit often, and perhaps usually, the new thoughts are expressed by the old words. It is a slow process by which the new thoughts are exjjressed by differentiated words derived from distinct tongues. When new meanings are desired, some modification of the old words is made. In this manner one word is derived from another. Languages iTitegrate by coalescing and differentiate words as parts of speech by derivation. ro»-r-^'-] PHILOLOGY CLV With advancing thought new concepts arise. For tliese new concepts new words may be coined, or the synonyms of coales- cing- languages may be used; but the usual method is to use an old word with a new meaning; this leads to duplicate mean- ings of words. In every language words have many meanings. If the words of the Elnglish language Avere multiplied so that one word should have but one meaning, and if synonymous words were reduced so that one meaning should be expressed only by one word, still the number of words in the language would be multiplied several fold. Duplicate meanings give rise to ambiguities, for the speaker may use a word with one meaning and the hearer may interpret it with another. There is a mechanical habit of using words by which many fallacies are produced in logic. That pseudo-science which is known as formal logic is provocative of these fallacies, for fonnal logic is a system of reasoning with words rather than with things. When we remember the number of distinct meanings with which words are conventionally endowed, it is not surprising that such fallacies should spring up; but it is surprising that they should be iised from generation to generation and from century to century, so that fallacies of antiquity should still survive. The rules for deriving one word from another differ in the different languages, but the method of deriving one word from another is universal. There is a mnemonic advantage in knowing the derivation of a word. Wishing to express ideas, the words are more easily recalled for deft expression through the laws of association, and words which are unfamiliar may be recognized by recognizing the elements of which they are compounded. In the early history of the European nations the literature of Hellas and of Rome played an important part in human culture, for the Latin and Greek languages were the reposito- ries of the thought to which scholarly men most resorted, and learning itself was dependent on these languages; so that, learning was often considered as the acquisition of the lan- guage rather than as the knowledge of the thought contained in the literatm-e pf the language. CLVI ADMINISTBATIVE BEPORT [eth. axn. 20 111 the derivation of new terms with the progress of culture, resort was had to these classical languages for the new terms which were needed, and scholars developed a system of rules which were expressed or implied as regulations for the dei'iva- tion of new words. One of these rules was a prohibition upon the compounding of words from the elements of two languages; thus Greek and Latin elements should not be comjiounded in one word. As many of our words are not immediately derived from Greek or from Latin, the same i-ule was sought to be enforced with them all, and the words not compounded with the authority of these conventions were considered to be barbarous or unscholarly. Most new words are not produced by scholars, but by the common people in everyday speech, and thus a commonplace dialect is produced which scholars are ultimately forced to adopt in order that they may be popularly understood. Yet there is a sentiment, whether well-founded or not, against the coining of new terms from other tongues than the Latin and the Greek, and against the mixture of different linguistic roots. Sometimes these conditions are carried so far that the new tei-m must be made according to the methods practiced in the Greek or the Latin at some particular time in the history of those languages. Comparing those languages which exhibit the most highly differentiated parts of speech with the languages of savagery, we are able to discover the course of evolution in the past, and we may with some confidence predict their further evolu- tion and even surmise the outcome — that is, the nature of the ideal language to which all languages are tending. The vast integration of tongues which has already been accomplished tells of a time when there will be but one human language as oral speech, and the state which Avill be reached in the special- ization of parts of speech may be stated as a surmise in the following way: There will be primary and secondary parts of speech. The primary parts of speech will be the subject, the verb, and the object, which will be distinguished as words. The secondary elements will be definers. The definers of the subject will be adjectives, which will be words, phrases, or subordinate sen- POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLVIl tences. There will be modals to define the asserters for the purpose of distinguishing affirmation and negation and all conditional modes of assertion; these modals will be words, phrases or sentences. There will be adverbs to define the objects; these also will be words, phrases, and sentences. We may conjecture that to such a stage the parts of speech will be differentiated, guided by the motive for economy in thought and expi'ession. SEMATOLOGY Sematology is the science of the signification of oral words and sentences. In considering this subject it becomes neces- sary not only to consider the significance of words, but also the development of the significance. "Words are signs of ideas," or, as we say, words are signs of concepts. It is funda- mental that we recognize bodies as such by their properties, and cognize properties as good or evil for our purjioses as qualities. The nascent mind speedily learns by experience that different properties inhere in the same body. The mind thus posits or implicates the existence of one property when it cognizes another. The bodies of the world are cognized by the use of the five senses, every one of which primarily deals with a special property. The senses in highly developed man, though fundamentally devoted to a distinct property, have become highly vicarious, so that one sense seems to cognize all of the properties. The origin of this vicarious action of the senses is founded on the concomitancy of properties, for in cognizing a property we recognize other properties. In the developed mind every act of cognition is also an act of recog- nition ; it is an act of cognizing one property and of recognizing others. This may be stated in another way : When we cognize a property we implicate the existence of other properties. All this has been set forth in another volume, but it requires restating here that we may properly understand how the meanings of words are produced. The first words were calls, then came demonstratives, then adjectives of quality followed. Things were called by such names as "the sweet," "the bitter," "the high," "the low," "the fierce," "the gentle" — so the qualities were parceled out to CLVIII ADMINISTKATIVE EEPOKT [eth. ann. 20 tilings as their names. Researches in the etymology of the lower languages to discover the roots of words seem to lead to this conclusion. Not only were bodies named by their quali- ties, but properties also were named by tiieir qualities. As gradually the qualities of things were discovered, quality names were differentiated ; then property names were differen- tiated, and then the names of bodies themselves were differ- entiated. In savagery every property is known as a (quality and is called by a quality name. Even the sunset is read as a beautiful color, a hue of rejoicing, instead of as the result of the rates of vibration revealed to the scientific student of light. Properties are known as qualities in savagery. Various properties are found in the same body, and the names by which they are called may stand for the body itself Thus every body may have a variety of names depending on its pro})erties conceived as qualities. The discovery of this characteristic is the first contribution made to the science of language through the study of ethnic or tribal languages. Max Midler, with characteristic deftness and scholarship, was, so far as 1 know, the first to clearly propound this doctrine. He seems to have derived it from a study of the appellations of the deities. Surely it was Max Miiller who caused it to be accepted as a law of philological science. The same deity can be invoked by many names, and can be praised in varied speech; and when another god is addressed, many of the same terms can be employed. The substrate of this custom is found in the concomitancy of qualities and properties. Every god in sav- agery is the wisest and the best betimes, and every god has superlative attributes. The evolution of the meanings of words must first be considered as a development in knowledge by the discovery of new qualities, and new properties must be considered as qualities, because of their concomitancy. In primitive society the discovery of new bodies is ever in progress by a law of mind. As they are discovered they are affiliated to those already known and described in terms of the known. When experience finds it desirable to discrimi- nate, the terms of expression are gradually differentiated, and thus new methods of speech arise. In savage society the tend- POWEI.I.] PHILOLOGY OLIX ency is to produce a holoplirasm by niodifyiug the old. As a linguistic phenomenon, classification is thus an agency for the development of speech. By classification the same body may have different names. Thus, while the same body nuiy have different names by reason of its different properties, it may also have different names by reason of the different classes to which it belongs in the hierarchy of classes. In this manner names are greatly multiplied. Again, by evolving culture, things previously unused come to be utilized and are given names which also signify their uses, so that names are nmltiplied b}' utilization. Meanings undergo corresponding evolution; the im})ulse for different meanings becomes the impulse for differ- ent names. This is general; the purpose gives rise to the expression. The confusion which arises from the failure to distinguish consciousness from cognition, or the workings of the mind due to the organizatiin of the nervous system from the substrate of mind as exhibited in all bodies even without organization, led to the theor}^ of ghosts. This theory, which has also been called animism, induced savage men to personify all bodies. The personification in savagery was developed into similitude which is fully evolved in barbarism. In this stage of society a multitude of similitudes are found which in a later stage give rise to allegory, a variety of which is parable, and finally allegory is developed into trope. The meanings of words are multiplied by this agency, for the same word may have different tropic meanings, or, as it is often expressed, words may have figurate meanings. The giving of words figurate meanings is founded on the concomitancy of properties, and is developed in a multitude of ways all through the course of culture until it appears in the highly developed language as trope. Here we may pause to iu)te the fallacies of reasoning which are developed by the figurate meaning of words — fallacies so subtle that, although discovered by the ancient philosojjhers, who failed not to give their wai-ning, they have yet been the bane of logic exemplified in all metaphysical literature. Form is the Anglo-Saxon term by which internal structure is desig- CLX ADMINISTRATIVE REPOKT [kth. a.nx. 20 iiated, but as the internal structure gives rise to the external shape, both structure and shape are expressed by the term form. A spoken vs^ord is a succession of sounds. By a figure of speech we speak of the spoken v^ord as a form, meaning thereby a succession vfhich is an element of time, not of space. This usage is convenient, but it must be carefully distinguished when we reason, for the confusion which arises when a time succession is confounded with a spacial series is such a fallacy in science as to be disastrous. In psychology contiguity in time and contiguity in space are often confounded, especially in the discussion of the laws of memory. The term form is sometimes used with a figurative meaning in other ways, as when we say "the form of an argument," meaning thereby the constitution of an argument, or the order in which the averments occur. In tliis sense every argument has a form; but it is not the form of space — it is the form of succession or time. When the argument is committed to writ- ing, the letters may have forms as the sounds have succession; but the letters not only have forms, they also have succes- sions. In the same manner written sentences have forms as well as successions. In this fact there is another source of obscuration in the use of the term form. Rightly understood it is proper, but if neglected it is a source of fallacy. In phi- losophy it is better to use the ierniform only to express struc- ture and shape as they are found in space. The story of the confusion of meanings in the use of the term form is yet but imperfectly told, for there are many derivatives of the word, as formation and formative. We may use the verb to form in any of the senses of "to make," "to produce," or "to generate." Sometimes we ma}' be consider- ing only the spacial form, but when we are considering some other topic the word is used in a sense which may give rise to confusion. I may combine oxygen and hydrogen and pro- duce water, and I may say that oxygen and hydrogen form water, when I mean that they produce water, or that the com- bination of the two substances results in water. The use of the term in this manner is convenient and rarely leads to mis- apprehension; but when in science we use the term /orm out of Powixi] PHILOLOGY CLXI its spacial significance, philosophy is apt to degenerate into metapliysic. We nnight go on to set forth the use of form and its deriva- tives in other senses than that of sjjacial form, and still the subject would not be exhausted — not even in a great tome. Words in English derived from languages other than the Anglo- Saxon are subject to the same confusion of meaning. Mor- phology is the science of form, and yet the term is used as the name of a journal which deals mainly with the genesis and evolution of plants and animals, and which treats of the forms of plants and animals in but comparatively insignificant degree, for it is devoted mainly to the genesis of function. Metamoi-phosis is used not only to signify change of form, but also the change of all other properties. This habit of using words with figurative meanings leads to bad reasoning. Spencer, in the first volume of The Principles of Ethics, presents a masterly chajjter on the relativity of pains and pleasures. Here, in the use of the term absolute, he dis- tinguishes it from the relative by properly implj-ing that what is relative must also be absolute. The same act is absolute as an act, though relative in its conseqiiences. Subsequently in his work Spencer sometimes uses absolute in another sense. Thus he speaks of "absolute ethics," mean- ing thereby conduct perfectly or superlatively ethical, and he uses the term "relatively ethical" to mean imperfectly ethical. No harm would be done by the use of the words in this manner did he not use a doctrine which he had previously developed about the absolute and the relative in ethics, as if he had demonstrated the same doctrine aliout the jierfect and the imperfect in ethics; hence his consideration of perfect and imperfect ethics is vitiated. Please permit the expression of an opinion about the origin of a fundamental fallacy in Spencer's Principles of Ethics: He fails to discover the true nature of ethics and its orierin in religion, primarily by the failure to discriminate between perfect and imperfect on the one hand, and absolute and rela- tive on the other; hence he confounds ethics with justice. The principles of justice are evolved under the sanctions of 20 ETH— 03 XI CLXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann.20 legal punishment, while the principles of ethics are evolved under the sanctions of conscience. Of course a discrimination of words must follow upon the discrimination of meanings, but the habit of using words with different meanings is apt to prevent the proper evolution of concepts. Knowledge increases by the discovery of new bodies, new properties, and qualities. As new concepts are added in this manner, new methods of expression must be coined. The first method is by asserting the existence of the new thing; after a time the new thing is given a name. It is the habit of modem science to give this new name at the time of the dis- covery, but in work-a-day life this is not common, and a name must be developed by experience. We have next to describe a method of developing the mean- ings of words which has not only been universal but has also been very efficient. This method has been called a "disease of language." When a fog settles over the coast, it may some- times be seen as a cloud of moving vapor; at other times it may be seen to descend as fine drops of rain, when it is described as a "long-stemmed" mist by seafaring folk. In the same man- ner I have heard the shower which is composed of very large di-ops of rain to be described as a "long-stemmed" storm. Let this method of expression become habitual to a people and the term long-stemmed will become aii adjective descriptive of storms. Then the different words will coalesce and drop some of their sounds, and there will be an adjective descriptive of storms as "long-stemmed." Again, a storm of rain may be called a "long-stem," and the connotive meaning may be lost and the denotive meaning remain in common comprehension. I have known sailors to speak of a storm as a "long-stem." It is reasonable to suppose that the term long-stem might be used in this manner: As we may say of a man who is char- acterized by his fits of anger that he is a "storm," so we might say of such a man that he is a "long-stem," until an angry man might habitually be called a "long-stem." The "disease of language," as it has been called, is thus the specialization of sentences into words, and the use of connotive terms as denotive terms. Literary men are forever giving new meanings to old words. PHILOLOGY OLXIII Lang, in the first volume of Myth, Ritual, and Religion, says, "It is 'a far cry' from Australia to the west coast of Africa." We have only to suppose that the term cnj becomes a measure of distance as the term foot was developed, and that the term be used only in this sense, while other synonyms are used in what is now the ordinaiy sense, and we have a fine illustra- tion of this phenomenon. What has been called a "disease of language" is the substi- tution of a word to express a new meaning and the atrophy of the old meaning. THE ARYAN PROBLEM In the study of the languages of tlie earth we find in a general way that the more primitive the culture of the people the fewer are the people who speak a common tongue and the greater are the number of distinct tongues. By a world-wide review of this subject we reach the conclusion that every tribe in the beginnings of human speech spoke a distinct language. We can not pause to completely assemble the data on which this conclusion is founded, but it seems that a language as an art of expression was originally developed by every distinct body politic. The persons who habitually associated as a body of kindred developed a language for themselves. Thus in thought we have to view an ancient condition of languages when every tribe had a tongue of its own and hence that the number of languages was approximately equal to the number of tribes. Languages thus commenced as a babel of tongues. If we investigate the modern development of any one of the languages of higher civilization we find its elements to be compounded of many diverse tongues. What we know by historical evidence we are compelled to infer as true of all existing languages, and in fact no language — not even that of the most savage tribe — can be intelligently studied without discovering evidence of its compound character. We must now call attention to the process of evolution of languages in which they are integrated — that is, they are for- ever becoming fewer in number. They do not multiply by evolution; they integrate. With this process of evolution, languages forever differentiate more thoroughly specialized CLXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT - [f.th. ann. 20 tongues; tliey also differentiate more thoroughly specialized parts of speech, and they also integrate and differentiate mean- ings. The process of evolution in language, therefore, is the integration of distinct languages and the differentiation of more specialized elements. Many of the nations of Europe and America speak lan- guages which are held to be cognate, and thus most of the more highly developed languages of the earth are said to belong to one family. These tongues are called Aryan. Lin- guists have devoted great labor and profound scholarship to the task of discovering a prnnitive Aryan speech on the theory that this supposed ancient common speech has been differen- tiated into the tongues of the Aryan nation, the theory being that of a single people inhabiting some limited locality in Europe or Asia. Opinions that were held of the degeneration of mankind gave rise to the theory, and scholars began the research by assuming degeneracy of speech, and by assuming the multiplication of tongues with the lapse of time. Research which has been pursued with so much labor and learning has failed to discover either the land or tlie people, but has for- ever resulted in the discovery of more and more diverse ele- ments in the speech of the Aryan nation until few scientific linguists remain to speak of the separation of the Aryan tongues. The course of history has been continuous in the integration of languages, and no language can be found at the present time that is not a compound. Through this compounding of lan- guages many tongues of to-day have common elements, and the higher the language the more diverse are the elements that have been incorporated. Yet men will still seek to solve the Aryan problem ! Gesture Language Gesture language, like oral language, has it foundation in natural expression and emotional language. In the earlier his- tory of speech it was ancillary thereto, and yet as language it remained more rudimentar}' and hence it retained more of the characteristics of natural expression. As tribes developed speech independently, ever)" one for itself, gesture language, •^"fELL] PHILOLOGY CLXV which still retained many of the characteristics of natural language, became a means of communication between tribes having diverse tongues. The gestures themselves, though remaining largely natural, gradually became somewhat developed conventionally. Notwithstanding these artificial elements, gesture language in all history has been character- ized by great crudity, and it largely resembles emotional lan- guage because both of them are akin to natural language. The gesture language which is found in tribal society was replaced by written language, as we shall hereafter show; but new gesture languages have from time to time been devised for use by those unfortunate people who have been born deaf or who have by disease been rendered deaf. Therefore the nature of gesture speech is learned from the study of two distinct exam- ples — the languages of intertribal society on one hand, and the modern languages of deaf-mutes. While intertribal languages are founded on natural expres- sion, and while some of the deaf-mute languages also are founded on natural expression, others of the latter have a more highly artificial or conv^entional structure. When the sounds of spoken words are represented by manual signs, or the let- ters of the alphabet are represented by finger-wrought signs, then gesture language itself consists of signs for signs, the vocal signs themselves standing for concepts. This form of gesture speech is therefore very highly conventional. It is not consonant with our present purpose to further enlarge on this topic; it is necessary only for us to mention gesture language as one of the pentalogic series that the com- plete series may be exiiibited. Written Language Modem written languages differ from speech in that sounds are represented by letters. Letters, therefore, are signs for signs. When we study the history of the origin and growth of written language we find that it does not always use the method of representing sounds by written characters. In the Chinese, for example, the written characters have no reference to sounds as sounds are analyzed in phonics. Thus the Chi- nese have no alphabet. When we come to investigate the CLXVI ADMINISTRATIVE EEPORT [kth. ann. 20 origin of alphabets we are led into a vast field of researcli in which we find that alphabets have a long history as picture writings anterior to their development into alphabets. In tribal society all written language is picture writing, used mainly for religious purposes. The pristine picture writing was a means of communication with the gods and a method of record necessary for the jiroper observance of religious cere- monies, and especially of the time when such ceremonies should be performed. Thus the chief picture writings of tribal society are calendric. In the lower stages of society, when spiritual properties are held to live a distinct existence from the other properties of bodies, so that animism universally prevails, then ghosts are invoked for the purpose of gaining their assistance in the affairs of human life. The oldest differentiated calling in society is that of the shaman — a man who is supposed to have skill in communicating with ghosts. He who makes a profession of ability to communicate with ghosts is called in various lan- guages by various terms that we now translate as shaman — a term derived from the early study of the Africans along the Guinea coast. The shaman is thus a man who claims to hold linguistic intercourse with ghosts. The shamanistic profession is practiced in every tribe, and it is through invention by sha- mans that picture writing was devised, and it is further through their invention that picture writing was developed into alpha- betic writing. It will be equally interesting and instructive to contemplate the origin of picture writing. It is common in savage society to hold periodical festivals with fasting, feasting, music, danc- ing, dramatic performances, and athletic sports on the occasion of making invocation for abundant harvests. There are many other occasions for like festivities with all their accompani- ments. One example will suffice to set forth the nature of the picture writing displayed on these occasions, and we will select for this purpose a calendric festival of rejoicing after the harvest-home which is also a prayer for future good harvests. The festival to which I am now to refer was continued through several days. At one time the shaman and the mem- powEii] PHTLOLOGY CLXVII bers of the shamanistic society over which he presided were gathered in a kiva or underground assemby hall where mid- night prayers were made for abundant crops. On this occasion the customary altar was aiTanged with the paraphernalia of worship. Among other things were wooden tablets on which were painted the conventional picture writings for clouds and lightning, below which were the conventional signs for rain- drops, and below the raindrops the conventional signs for gi'owing corn. In order more fully to understand these picture writings we will mention some of the other objects placed on the altar. There were wooden birds painted and placed on perches; there was a ewer of water about which ears of corn were placed; there was a case of jewels — crystals of quartz, frag- ments of turkis, fragments of camelian, and small garnets; then there was a bowl of honey upon the holy altar. When the shaman prayed he asked that the next harvest might be abundant like the last; he prayed that they might have corn of many colors like the corn upon the altar; he prayed that the com might be ripened so as to be hard like the jewels upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be sweet like the honey upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be abundant for men and birds, and that the birds might be glad, for the gods love the birds represented upon the altar as he loved men. Then he prayed that clouds would form like the clouds represented upon the altar, and that the clouds would flash lightning like the lightning on the altar, and that the clouds would rain showers like the showers represented on the altar, and that the showers would fall upon the growing corn like the com upon the altar — so that men and birds and all living things would rejoice. In savagery and in all barbarism such festivals are very common, and much of the time is occupied in worship. In savagery worship is terpsichorean, and in barbarism it is terpsichorean and sacrificial, and in both stages of society all amusements are religious. So in tribal society all time devoted to amusement is religious. The ceremonial festivals are lield in regular order tnrough the seasons from year to year. For this purpose a calendar is devised in weeks and CLXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann, 20 niontlis, when the days of the year are numbered in a hier- archy of weeks and months. The number of weeks in a month and the number of months in a year vary greatly. The months and years are counted off and the seasons are indicated by the appearance of stars as signs of the zodiac. Now, these numbers, together with the signs of the zodiac, are arranged in calendars, and the principal events of each festival are recorded under the calendric signs or picture-writings. Great ingenuity is needed to symbolize the principal events of the festival. The season of the festival and the events of the festival are all recorded in picture-writings until the shaman becomes deft in picture language. The records which have been discovered among tribal men are usually called codices. They are recorded on various things, such as papyrus, fiber of the maguey plant, birch-bark, and the skins of animals; espe- cially are calendars painted on the walls of temples. These records made from time to time through century after century become very highly developed. When a concept is given a sign it becomes more and more conventionalized until its character as a picture is lost. In this stage a curious phenomenon is observed. An ideoglyph is read as a word instead of as a pictorial event. This is the stage in which Chinese writing is to be seen at present. Now, when a glyph is read as a word, the interesting phenomenon of which we have spoken is this: Words have different meanings, the same word may express different concepts, and the glyph may be read by speaking the word and attaching to it any meaning which the spoken word represents. In this early society words are mysterious things supposed to be properties or qualities of things, rather than signs of things. When such glyphs become signs of spoken words they are signs of sounds. They become signs of word-sounds, then signs of syllabic sounds, and ultimately signs of alphabetic sounds; and thus picture-writing is developed into alphabetic writing. In the higher civilization written language is founded on alphabets as spoken language is founded on sounds; but prim- itive written languages do not consist of graphic signs designed to represent sounds. The written languages produced in primi- tive time have distinct words as ideographs; they also have a POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLXIX distinct grammar for the arrangement of these glyphic words unlike that of highly developed written language. Etymolo- gies also take a different course; thus, in the Chinese, the etymology of glyph words is highly complex and is upon a distinct and peculiar plan. The somatology of the language rejjresents the culture of the people who employ such a writ- ten language. On the other hand, in fully developed written language alphabets represent sounds, while letters are arranged in words and the words in sentences. The etymologies of the written words correspond to the etymologies of the spoken woi-ds, while the sematologies of the written words also corre- spond to the sematologies of the spoken words. Logistic Language The fifth language of the series now requires characteriza- tion. In the earliest and Lest developed condition it is found as the language of enumeration. Here numbers are repre- sented by graphic characters which have been called digits, because originally the fingers of the two hands were used as an abacus for counting, and the written numbers represented the fingers — the nine vertical strokes for nine fingers and a cross stroke for the tenth. Ultimately the ten strokes were developed into ten figures which are still called digits; the tenth digit is called a cipher, and in order that it niay be sig- nificant it must be read as ten times some other digit; thus one with the zero is read as ten, two with the zero is read as twenty, etc. A hundred is represented with a one and two ciphers, two hundred by a two and two ciphers. Hence units of different orders are recognized. A constant ratio exists between one order and its next higher, which is ten, because the original abacus for counting was the ten fingers. As this linguistic system had its beginning in a number system, we call it logistic speech. There have been developed many tables of measures for quantities of various kinds; thus there are the long-measure table, the square-measure table, the cubic- measure table, the dry-measure table, the liquid-measure table, various weight-measure tables, various time-measure tables, etc. These are all examples of logistic speech, which were CLXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann, 20 developed out of ideographic writing into a language of more universal application. The highest development of this language which yet exists is found in the science of mathematics, which has a plus sign, a minus sign, a multiplication sign, a division sign, an equality sign, a root sign, and many others — we will not go on to enumerate them because they are many and so well known that the few will suggest them all. The science of astronomy has also developed an elaborate logistic language, the science of chemistry another, and the science of geography, the science of geology, the science of botany, and the science of zoology have all developed something of a logistic language. A logistic language is also developed in many of the arts; especially is music thus written. The essential characteristic of logistic language is that its somatology is universal, so that the meaning of any character depends on the meaning assigned to it by the user — it is the special language of reasoning and avoids all ambiguities of other languages due to the multifarious meanings of single words. There is no source of error in reasoning which com- pares with the fallacies of diverse meanings, but science con- structs for itself a special language which obviates this evil. The grammar of this language is yet unwritten, for the lan- guage has scarcely been developed to a sufficient extent for the purpose. It may be that when logic is wholly emancipated from metaphysic, logicians will devise a grammar of logistic language. Perhaps they will then call it the grammar of logic, and what I have called logistic language will be called logic. All that is valuable in the so-called logic will remain as com- ponent elements of a grammar — a grammar of the science of reasoning Avith language. Logic is the science of reasoning with language, and logistic language is the language of reasoning. We have thus seen the nature of emotional language, oral language, gesture language, written langjuage, and logistic lan- guage. The five fundamental sciences of philology are thus briefly characterized, and the nature of i)hilology itself is set forth in its pentalogic elements, which I deem to be inclusive of all and severally exclusive of each other. SOPHIOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF ACTIVITIES DESIGNED TO GIVE INSTRUCTION Sophiology is the science of instruction. I shall treat the subject under two rubrics: First, the nature and origin of the opinions which are inculcated by instruction, and, second, the agencies of instruction Opinions, the Subject-matter of Instruction Opinions are about particles severally or about them con- jointly as they are organized into bodies. Particles thus con- sidered are found to have essentials, relations, quantities, prop- erties, and qualities. There are no essentials without relations, no relations without quantities, no quantities without ])rop- erties, and no propei'ties without qualities, for the world is concrete and there is nothing abstract but in consideration. Essentials, relations, quantities, properties, and qualities we call categories. When the world is looked upon as concrete, and bodies are discovered, it is found that every one is composed of a group of bodies ; but to express the fact without confusion it is better to say that a body is a group of particles, for when one body is considered as a constituent of another it promotes clear statement to say that the compound bod}- is composed of particles. Ultimate particles have never been reached by analysis unless it be in the ether. Concepts grow as the products of thought. The stream of thought is composed of instantaneous and successive judments, some of which are duplicated and endlessly i-eduplicated. While mentations arise fi-om sense imj^ressions, like sense impressions are oftentimes repeated and by association past mentations are revived, so that there is a vast repetition of the instantaneous judgments as they follow on through the stream of mental life. OLXXII ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOET [eth. ann. 20 It is thus by repeated and revived mentations as judgments that concepts or notions arise. These notions constitute opin- ions. We can not make a complete consideration of opinions without considering their origin in the compounding of judg- ments into concepts. While opinions often change, they are not necessarily born to die. Correct opinions developed in tlie individual and propagated from man to man become immortal, while only incorrect opinions ultimately die; but the vast body of opin- ions as they arise from moment to moment are born only for an ephemeral life. Of those that have appeared upon the stage of history because they have been accepted by the great thinkers, it remains to be said that still the many die and the few live. While they live they are esteemed as science, when they die they are esteemed as errors; hence sophiology can be defined as the science of opinions and their classification as errors or truths when accepted as such by the leaders of human thought, together with the methods of discovering and propagating such opinions. We are now to consider how opinions originate and change. For this purpose we will consider them in groups in the order in which they were developed by mankind. These groups fall into five rubrics: animism, cosmology, mythology, metaphysic, and science. Animism, which is the belief in ghosts, first pre- vailed. We will, therefore, consider this subject first. For the original formulation of this doctrine we are indebted to the great ethnologist Edward B. Tylor. The science of ethnology teaches the nature and origin of the ghost theory; that is, it discovers the nature of ghosts and explains how men come to believe in them. There are many people who believe in ghosts, the opinion being a survival from primitive society, but with tribal men the belief is universal. Ethnology also teaches the nature and origin of primitive cos- mology, which has now become discredited, though vestiges of it exist in the opinions of simple folk, when it is called folklore. I have previously set forth the nature and origin of animism and cosmology. POWELL) 80PHI0L0GY CLXXIII MYTHOLOGY Heretofore in treating of the fundamental processes of psy- chology the nature of consciousness, inference, and verification have been set forth. Inference alone may and often does result in error, while truth is assured only by verification. Every judgment involves a consciousness and an inference ; and if the judgment is valid, its validity can be established and 'known only by verification. The repetition of an erroneous judgment is often confounded with verification, and thus men come to believe in fallacies. Of the multitude of errors in judg- ment those most often repeated by mankind, and especially those which have been coined by the leaders of thought, are those which are woven into mythology. Though we have a criterion by which to distinguish true from erroneous judg- ments, still judgments are compounded into notions that ultimately are exceedingl}' complex, and it is often found diffi- cult to resolve notions into their constituent judgments; so that while there is an infallible criterion, it is not easily applied. We are not here dealing with the whole subject of psychology, but only with the leading' concepts which distinguish science from mythology. That history of opinions which is often called the history of philosoph}- (but which is mainly the history of metaphysic), together with the history of science, gives us the data of what is here called sophiology. Science has already cost a vast amount of research, and we may safely prophesy that only a beginning has been made. It would be an inane proceeding to attempt to forecast what research will ultimately unfold, but perhaps it would not be unjjrofitable to review in outline the characteristics of the fundamental errors of mankind in so far as they have already been detected. False inferences primarily arise through referring sense impressions to wrong causes. A term is needed for this error, and it will be called imputation. Imputation, then, is the ref- erence of a sense impression of which the mind is conscious as an effect, to a mistaken cause. This wrong cause may be a wrong body or it may be a wrong proj^erty. CLXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (Eth. ann. 20 Let US now see if these two propositions can be made plain. The savage hears the thunder and infers that it is the voice of a bird. This is imputing a sound to a wrong body. Birds have voices, and not knowing the cause of the thunder, the savage imputes it to a bird; but as he knows of no bird with such a voice, he imagines a new and unknown bird. Thus an imaginary bird is created as the explanation of thunder. The creation of imaginary things to explain unknown phenomena is mythology. Thunder may be interpreted as the voice of a bird in such manner by many people until it falls into common speech. Thus an imaginary thunder-bird may become the theme of much thought and much talk, and at last a number of stories may grow up about it. The barbarian who drives a span of horses to a war chariot becomes accustomed to its rattle and compares it to thunder. Then the thunder itself is symbolized as the rattle of the chariot of the storm. In this case a new imaginative being is created — a storm god with his chariot in the clouds So the reference of an effect to an eri'oneous cause results in a myth. There may be many analogies called up by the noise of thunder, and there may be many myths established in such manner; but it is manifest that none of them can be verified. In the course of the history of verification, which is the history of science, an hypothesis as to the cause of thunder may be veri- fied; when such verification is reached, all myths relating to thunder die as notions, and the scientific concept is established. All false philosophy — that is, all erroneous explanation — must necessarily lack verification. It may be believed and become current in the philosophy of a people or of a time, and this current belief may be held as science ; but sooner or later an erroneous notion, however widely believed, will present some incongruity to the developing concepts of mankind and will challenge such attention that new hypotheses will be made to be examined until one is verified. When the verification comes, science is born, and the old notion is relegated to mythology. Philosophy is the explanation of causes; whatever else may be involved in the term, this must be involved. It is the cen- tral point in philosophy, though not the whole of philosophy. POWELL] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXV We may now make a definition of the growth of science and the discovery of error. Research, by which science grows, is the verification of hypotheses and the ehmination of incon- gruous notions, and such discarded notions as have been pre- viously and generally received as science are relegated to mythology. Let us illustrate with another example. Conceive a people in such a primitive stage of culture as not to know of the ambient air. Such people have existed and some even yet exist. In all that culture known as savagery this fact is unknown. The air is unseen; bxit it often has corporeal motion, and is then called wind, and this wind pro- duces effects. Blow upon your hand, or invigorate the fire with your breath, and then contemplate the wind among the trees: How like the breath is the wind! Now impute the north wind to some great monster beast, and you do only that which millions of people have done before. Many savage peojDles explain the winds in tliis manner, imputing them to monster beasts. In this instance, and in ten thousand others that can readily be supplied, the error of imputing an effect to the wrong cause as a wrong body results in the creation of imaginary bodies, which is the essence of mythology. When air is unknown there are other things besides breath which the wind suggests. You can blow the fire with a basket tray, and you can fan your brow with an eagle's wing. So the wind suggests a fanning, and may be explained in this maimer. But what is it that fans? A bird with wings. If the wind fans it must be accomplished by some great sky-bird. The myths of such sky-birds are common. After this manner a host of imaginary animals are created. To the wildwood man, who roams the prairie and haunts the forest, the world is the grand domicile of beasts. Beasts are men, and men are but beasts. To his mind the beasts are rather superior to men. The beasts have more magical power, and hence are often immeasurably superior to human beings. The savage admires the superiority of the beast and longs for his activities; he is forever contemplating the accomplishment of beasts — the wonders which they can perform — and is envi- ous of their skill in what he supposes to be magic. He sees CLXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth, ann, 20 the trout dart from bank to bank in the brook and is amazed at its magical powers, and from admiration lie often proceeds to adoration. He sees the serjient glide over the rock, swift witli- out feet and having the sting of death in its mouth; in this respect it seems superior to man. He sees the chameleon gliding along the boughs of trees in sport with rainbow hues, and is delighted with its magical skill. He sees the eagle sail from the cliff to the cloud region, at home in wonderland. He sees the lion walk forth to conquer with occult majesty. Yes, all the animal world is magical, and men are but degenerate animals. Insjiired with wonder, he is filled with adoration, and the beasts are gods. The world is thus the home of men and gods, and the gods are the beasts. A mytholog}^ has sprung up with every primordial language. These languages are found to be many — how many we do not know, but certainly there have been man}' thousands, and with eveiy tongue a mythology has been developed. The tribes of mankind scattered over the whole habitable earth between the polar walls of ice, living in small clusters, every one having a distinct language and pouring out the generations that have peopled the earth, have created a host of imaginai'y or mythic bodies. One of the methods of reasoning by means of which mon- sters are produced is imputing to one property that which is due to another. Water is transparent and water reflects the light. These two facts are universally observed in savagery. It is something with whicli men are familiar as an experience growing from day to day and from hour to hour. There is another fact with which they are almost as well acquainted, namely, that the eye is transparent, and also that it reflects images. The eye is the organ of sight, and it is not strange that the power of vision should be referred to transparency. The reflection of light is an unknown and undreamed prop- erty, but transparency is well known, and images are well known, and images appear in vision. Thus, with the Zufu Indians, as with many of the tribes in North America, tlie property of transparency, is esteemed as vision: all water sees, and the dewdrop is the eye of the plant. It is long before it Powsi-L] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXVII is learned that transparency is ability to transfer certain kinds of motion, while vision is a mentation. Thus force as reflec- tion and vision as mentation are explained as transparency. The mythology of the Amerinds is replete with myths con- cerning the powers of thought. There is no error more common than that of confounding thought with force. When the savage theurgist tells us that his hero can think arrows to the hearts of his enemies he makes this mistake. So it is believed that there are mythic men who can think their boats over the river; they can think themselves to the topmost branches of high trees; they can think rocks onto the heads of their enemies. There is no myth more common than this one of confounding thought with force, and there is no myth that has a more venerable history. No Egyptian king has received higher honors, for it is embalmed in the cerements of learning. We now know that heat is a mode of motion and that cold is a low degree of heat; in the same manner we know that color is a mode of motion, and we measure the number of vibrations in the ether that are required in a unit of time to produce a variety of color. The love of knowledge is the most delightful plant in the garden of the soul. In the individual the failure to make correct judgments entails innumerable evils, while correct judg- ments lead to good. Judgments directly or indirectly lead to action, and that action is wise as judgments are wise. Every hour, almost every moment of the day, brings the lesson that knowledge is advantageous, and these lessons are repeated by every individual in every generation. Thus there is an acquired and hereditary love of knowledge. Mental life pre- sents a vast succession of judgments, some coiTect, others incorrect, and as they come they are enwrought in notions that inspire activities, and by these activities the notions tliem- selves are adjudged. Those notions that stand the test are held fast, those that fail are cast away, for men love the true and hate the false. All this is so evident that it seems com- monplace, and yet we are compelled to account for the inten- sity with which men cling to mythology. 20 ETH— 03 xn CLXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOHT [kth, ann. 20 The repetition of a judgment is sometimes a valid confirma- tion, but it is often the bulwark of fallacy. Judgments many times repeated becomes habitual, and habitual errors are hard to eradicate, for they are venerable. Errors associate in com- munities; as they dwell in the mind they constitute a fraternity for mutual protection. Assail one notion with the club of incongruity and a host of notions arise in its defense. Perhaps this will fully explain the fact, which we are to consider, that men invent arguments to sustain myths. He who contemplates this state of affairs may readily fall into despondency, for there seems to be as much mental activity occupied in the invention of false reasons as in the discovery of truth ; but on further contemplation it is seen that science has an advantage in that its gains are constant and imperishable, while the gains of error overstep themselves and sooner or later exhibit new incongrui- ties and hence are self-destructive. The appeal to antiquity is the appeal to habit, and the appeal to habit is the ajjpeal to repetition, which must always be distinguished from the appeal to verification. The argu- ment from antiquity is a two-edged sword, and may be an instrument of suicide; but it is the first argument used to sup- port a myth. "It was taught by our forefathers" is inscribed on the banner of mythology. But can we not use the argu- ment from experience? Yes, if we distinguish the method of verification from the method of repetition. This is our only criterion. Myths are defended by another argument which must now be set forth. It may be called the argument from intuition. Plants grow from seeds; animals from eggs. The develop- ment of the individual from the germ is called ontogeny. The process of ontogeny has been well recognized from primordial human time. Germs also develop from generation to genera- tion. The acorn is a verv different seed from that of the plant from which oaks were developed. The egg of the bird is a very different germ from the egg from which it was developed through successive generations. This development of germs is also called the development of species. The process is now well known to science, but it was long unrec- ''""^='''-J S0PHI0L06Y CLXXIX ogiiized except in a xi^gue way. The process is called pliy- logeny. Ontogeny and phylogeuy together are termed evolution. While ontogeny was more or less fully recognized in antiquity, phylogeny was very dimly discerned and it was supposed to be exceedingly restricted; so that while there might be varieties of plants and animals, it was held that all liv- ing creatures are encompassed by barriers beyond which they can not pass. It could be observed that plants and animals grow from germs, but that races grow by minute modifications of germs accumulating through many successive generations was not so easily observed. That the offspring is like the parent is a more conspicuous fact than that the offspring is a modification of the parent. Therefore it was believed that every existing species is the descendant of a primal species, and the number of primal species has remained constant. Finally it was discovered that species become extinct and that species begin at different periods in the worid's history; this was revealed by the science o{ geology. Thus the notion of constancy of species was finally shown to be erroneous, and it has been replaced by the scientific concept of the evolution of species. So much of what is now commonplace science must be given that we may understand the doctrine of primordial intuition, which was invented as a defense of mythology. As plants grow from seeds by minute increments through the process of on- togeny, and seeds grow from other seeds by minute increments by the process of phylogeny; as animals grow from eggs by mi- nute increments, and as eggs themselves grow from other eggs by minute increments, so ideas grow ontogenetically by minute increments of judgments and also phylogenetically by minute increments of judgments. Thus the notion grows in the mind of the child by ontogeny, and the idea groM's in the mind of the race from generation to generation by a process analogous to phylogeny. As man once believed that plants are inexorably limited to specific forms that are constant, as lie once believed that animals are limited to specific forms that are constant from generation to generation, so men have believed that ideas are limited to specific forms that are constant. That which i)i plants. CLXXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 and animals was called the limitation of species in ideas was called intuition, and by that term was meant the limitation of certain specific ideas. It was recognized that ideas grow or de- velop in the individual, but it was denied that they develop in the race. Sometimes it was conceded that ideas or concepts grow 2:)liylogenetically, that is, they are developed in the race; but it was held that there are certain fixed limits to ideas or notions which can not change, these limits being fixed primordi- ally in the mind. Now, there have been many modifications and many phases of this doctrine which we can not here elaborate, but that which is essential to all forms of the doctrine of specific innate ideas has been set forth. We must now see how this doctrine is used to shore up mythology. Venerable eiTors are supposed or affirmed to be universal and also to be innate — that the notions which they involve have been preserved from primordial time, and that they were given to man at his creation when all species were created. This doctrine of primordial specific innate ideas is one of the most important themes of scholastic learning. Born in sav- agery, flourishing in barbarism, it is believed in civilization, and its exposition ultimately becomes one of the tests of schol- arship. When the doctrine had reached this stage, so-called philosophers or mythologists attempted to defend these pri- mordial concepts. This attempt culminated in the Critique of Pure Reason. This defense of mythology by Kant led to the usual result; he, or at least his followers, supposed the argu- ment to be exhausted and the question of innate ideas set at rest when it was stated anew as innate forms of ideas. A calmer generation discovered the incongruity of this doctrine with the concepts of evolution born of science. While the doctrine remained vague, these incongruities were not so apparent; but when it came to be carefully formulated, it was doomed. It may be claimed that the doctrine of the evolution of concepts by experience in the race as in the individual is established. Primarily judgments are formed as guides to action. In this first stage_ eiToneous judgments are detected by the test POWELL] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXXI of action. If the action proves unwise, the judgment is wrong; but as judgments multiply and are compounded in notions, a new test of error is developed, which is the incongruity of notions. But the discovery of incongruity is not the discovery of the specific error. The incongruity is a relation between two or more notions; some one of these notions must be erro- neous, but which one is not revealed by the incongruity. The eiTor is discovered only by submitting the judgments to trial by verification. The incongruity does not reveal a particular error, but only the fact that some error exists; on the other hand congruity does not prove validity. Mythologic notions may well be congruous with one another. There is no incongruity between the notion of the thunder- bird and the notion of the wind-bird. If there is a bird Avhich roars in the heavens, there may be a bird which breathes in the hurricane; the one notion serves to confirm the other. It is strange how congruous mythic notions are with one another. Study the mythology of any people as a system, and you will be surprised at t}ie congruity of the notions which it reveals. Compare one mythology with another, and often they will be found strangely antagonistic. This congruity of mythic con- cepts in one system is a fact so conspicuous as to challenge the attention of thinking men, and it is early discovered and widely used alike in savagery, barbarism, and civilization. This method of reasoning from the congruity of notions was finally developed in early civilization into a body of doc- trine called dialectic. By this doctrine any mythic notit)n could be expounded as a starting point and other mythic no- tions brought into judgment before the one selected and found to be congi-uous, and by this logic proved correct. Proceed- ing in this manner from notion to notion, many are verified, and the assumed original notion is in this same manner found valid. It is thus that a special system of reasoning in the interest of mythology is gradually developed. If this system of logic were not already named, I should be tempted to call it Kanosh logic. Kanosh was the chief of a Shoshonean tribe in the central part of Utah, where cinder- cones and lava-beds are found. In years of my youth I was CLXXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Tcth. ann, 20 wont to sit at the feet of the venerable Kanosh and Hsten to mythic taless. Once on a time he explained to me the origin of the cinder-cone and the scarcely cooled lava which in times past had poured from it. He attributed its origin to Shinauav — the Wolf god of the Shoshonean. When I remonstrated with him that a wolf could not perform such a feat, "Ah," he said, "in ancient times the Wolf was a great chief." And to prove it he told me of other feats which Shinauav had per- formed, and of the feats of Tavoats, the Rabbit god, and of Kwiats, the Bear god, and of Togoav, the Rattlesnake god. How like Aristotle he reasoned ! There is a phase of the' defense of mythology which must not be neglected, although its contemplation is a source of sad- ness because it is an exhibition of the worst traits of mankind. It has already been seen that in the defense of mythology subtile arguments are produced, systems of psychology are born, and methods of logic are invented. The notions of mythology are not only woven into theories of institutions, but institutions are devised for their propagation and defense. Institutions are founded in the natural conditions of family organization. The love of man for woman and the love of woman for man, together with the love of parents for children and children for parents, are all involved; thus institutions have their origin in domestic love. The social life which develops from this germ, having its roots in domestic love and sending its branches into all the ways of life, constitutes the sheltering tree to protect mankind from the storms of foreign war and internal conflict. Peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity are concepts at the foundation of institutions. An attack upon institutions is thus an attack upon all these sacred principles, so man defends them to the last extremity. On the other hand, men are constantly seeking to improve them, and that which is beneficent to one may be malign to another. When the tendrils of mythology are entwined in the branches of institu- tions, the attempt to substitute science for myth often appears to be an attack upon the institutions in which it is entwined, and thus the reformer and the defender come to blows. When the defender of venerable mythology is also the defender of powKij] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXXIII ancient institutions, lie is easily convinced that his warfare is holy. When he is the constituted and official defender on whom the armor is buckled and by whom the sword is grasped, he is watchful and ready for the fight. Then his honor is at stake and his emoluments threatened. One element of this controvers}* — the saddest of all — is the passion for thaumaturgy which iiiytholog}' produces. Then unknown beings with occult attributes people the world, and the air reeks with mystery. Men who deceive themselves are deft in the deception of others. The love of thaumaturgy becomes one of the monster passions of mankind that stifles the pure love of truth. When thaumaturgy becomes a source of gain, and greed is wed to wonderci'aft, there springs from the union a progeny of devils that wreak on the teachers of truth the tortures of rack and fagot. In savagery names are believed to be natural attributes of the objects which they signify. The many significations which the same word may have are usually related to one another, but even when they are not related they are so habitually associated that affinities are constantly suggested. The development of science to an important degree depends on the distinct recognition of different meanings, and in order that scientific reasoning may proceed it is always found necessary to define words with exactness and to adhere to constant meanings; but mythological reasoning does not observe these precautions, and often succeeds in making its arguments plausible by the uncertain use of words. It must not be supposed that this is a device on purpose to deceive, for it is often a potent agency of self-deception. Trope is not an unmixed evil, although it is a dangerous device. When knowingly used and legitimately derived it adds power and vigor to language, and we have already seen that it is a necessity in nascent knowledge. Ultimately it becomes the foundation of the highest fine art known to man, for it is an essential element in poetry ; but that which is legiti- mate and useful iia poetry is the bane of scientific reasoning, especially when it is used without comprehension. Mythology is thus eminently tropic. While it is held as science, its tropes CLXXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. asn, 20 are believed; when its iiicoiio'ruitie.s are discovered and its tropes are recognized, mythology is often supposed to be a crude poetry. When dialectic methods of i-easoning prevail, equivo- cal or duplicate meanings of words are common. At last myth- ologic reasoning discovers the advantage to be derived from the use of words witli many meanings, and it becomes an essential and recognized element in such reasoning. Hegel, who is a master of dialectic, not only lapses into many equivocal mean- ings, but purposely uses them, and boasts of the advantage to be derived from his native tongue by reason of the many mean- ings which its words present. His first great work, The Phe- nomenology of Mind, is esteemed by liim and by his followers as the eifort by which the foundation of his philosophy was laid. When this work is read paragraph by paragraph and the mean- ings of words are compared throughout the entire book, it will be found that the argument depends on the equivocal use of words. One can imagine the delight with which he hailed the discovery that he could make an attractive argument and a chain of seemingly invincible reasoning in this manner. His followers have claimed for him some profound secret, but with this key to the Hegelian riddle it is easily read. METAPHYSIC Metaphysic is a system of explaining how the essentials of bodies are generated one from another. Pythagoras taught that unity as number is the primordial essential from which others are derived, the conception being in the spirit of tribal cosmology in which all things are gener- ated or begotten by parents. Plato considered extension as form to be the primordial property. He exalted mind perhaps more than any philoso- pher before his time, and with transcendent literary skill sounded its praises. But as he considered form to be the property from which it was derived, he translated mind into terms of form and thus succeeded in imposing upon all coming time the word form as the term signifying notion or concept. Thus idea, which primarily signified form, is now a term of mind. SOPHIOLOOY OLXXXV Aristotle seems to have considered force ji« the primal prop- ei-ty from which all other properties are derived, for thus I interpret his doctrine of energy. Certain it is that since his time there have been metaphysicians who have held this doc- trine. Perhaps this error has more widely prevailed than any doctrine of the genesis of the essentials. Aristotle's theory of mind is vague, and his reader may easily defend the proposi- tion that he derives energy from mind, rather than mind from energy. Spencer resolves extension into force, and impliedly, though not overtly, resolves duration into force in his discussion of the doctrine of evolution; and finally he resolves n)ind into force; so that Spencer is the modern champion of this theory. Of course Spencer does not consider the derivation to be parental genesis, but genesis by evolution. The American philosopher of this school Mr Lester F. Ward, also derives mind from force by evolution. , Still other philosophers have taught that persistence .is the primal property from which all others are derived. This phi- losophy has been taught as a reification of being, and is known as ontology. The term "being" signifies existence, but it is also used in Aryan languages as the common asserter. This double use has always been found in ontology. The prevalent phi- losophy of medieval time was ontology. Being is not held to be the father of properties, but rather the substrate. Idealism is the doctrine that the other properties are pro- duced by mind, the foundation of which is consciousness. It began with Berkeley and has been elaborately formulated in the German of Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel. Mind is reified, and the physical world has its genesis in the human mind, or, as some think, in the mind of God who endowed the human mind with faculties to think his thoughts as he thought them in creation. The physical world is thus an illusion called phenomenon, the reality being nouraenon or thought. Two schools of idealists are found; one speaks of noumenon as mind, the other as will. In one school mind is the only sub- stance, in the other will is the only substance. The essentials with their relations, quantities, properties. CLXXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (eth. ann. 20 and qualities have severally given rise to a system of meta- pliysic. As we have called them they are the system of Pythagoras, the system of Plato, the system of Aristotle, the medieval system, and the system of Berkeley. The last sys- tem, when will is substituted for mind, ma^' be called the system of Schopenhauer, as a variety of the Berkeleyau system, which also has many other varieties. We are now prepared for a definition of metaphysic: Meta- physic is the doctrine that one of the essentials of a particle or body is primordial, or the one from which the others are derived. They may be derived b}^ parental genesis, as in ancient metaphysic; by evolution, as in modern materialism; or by creation, as in idealism. The Pythagorean and the Platonic systems have perished from the earth. The idealists claim that Plato was the founder of their system, and that Aristotle was also a believer in it. Thus theiy interpret these two Grecian metaphysicians, as I think, ^erroneously. The medieval system is waning, though it may have some disciples; but apparently they have become idealists. There yet remain to us the Aristotelian and the Berkeleyan. The Aristotelian has been revived by Spencer, greatly expanded and placed upon a clearer foundation; Spencer has many illustrious disciples. Idealism in some one of its many forms prevails widely among metaphysicians. Enlisted among its disci})les are man}'- scholarly men who take a leading part in the metaphysic of the schools. They have usually not occupied themselves with the physical sciences, but there are some illustrious exceptions. The Aristotelian system, especially as revived by Spencer, is usually called materialism. Materialism and idealism are now livals in the metaphysical world. Materialism is a theory of the existence of the world as con- stituted of forces. This theory is perhaps best expounded by Boscovich as points of motion, not points in motion ; centers of motion, not centers in motion. There are no atoms or molecules in motion, but there are atoms and molecules of motion ; there are no stars in motion, but stars of motion ; there are no waters or gases in motion, but there are gases of motion; there are PowEM] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXXVII no rocks in motion, but there are rocks of motion; there are no plants in niotion, but there are plants of motion; there are no animals in motion, but there are animals of motion ; there are no thoughts that are the motions of brain particles, as there are no brain particles, for thoughts are motions themselves. Oftentimes idealism is a theory that all the material objects of the universe, other than human beings, are created or gen- erated by mind, and that human beings are the real things and all other things are but the concepts of human beings. There are no stars, but only human concepts of stars; there are no waters, but only human concepts of waters ; there are no rocks, but only human concepts of rocks; there are no plants, but only human concepts of plants; there are no lower animals, but only human concepts of lower animals. God and human beings are realities which manifest themselves to one another in perception and conception as ideas in the objective world Sometimes it teaches that science is a method of expressing ideas ; it is but a system of language and has no other signifi- cance than that of a system of language. There is no objec- tive concrete world with which science deals; but there are ideas with which science deals, and the whole function of science is to reduce these ideas to their simjjlest expression. There is no objective standard of truth; there is only a sub- jective standard of opinion, and all scientific research is the attempt to formulate tliese opinions or ideas or concepts or perceptions in universal terms. Science is only a device of language; mathematics is only a device of equations; chem- istry is only a device of atoms; astronomy is only a device of worlds; geology is only a device of formations; botany is only a device of cells; biology is only a device of organs. All of these devices are useful for linguistic purposes; they do not express objective reality, but only subjective ideas. The world is a realm of ideas and words; it is not a realm of objective real things! Idealism accuses all scientific men of being materialists, and it divides mankind into two groups — the good and the evil. The good are idealists and the evil are materialists. The idealists are from heaven and the materialists are from hell. CLXXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 Idealism accuses materialism of ignoring all values in the world; it forever seeks to belittle scientific research. Chem- istry is only a controversy about words; astronomy is onh' a disputation about words; physics is only a disputation about words; geology is only a disputation about words; botany is only a disputation about words; and zoology is only a dispu- tation about words! Materialism accuses idealism as being the enemy of science, of rejecting every scientific discovery until it can be translated into terms of idealism, being the great bulwark of ignorance and the fortress of superstition. As idealism is interpreted by materialism, the accusations are true, and as materialism is inter])reted by idealism, the accusations are true. Materialism Is arrayed against religion, and idealism is aiTayed against science. Idealism is a theory that there is no objective reality, or, to use the language of modern idealism, there is no trans-subjec- tive reality. Symbols are signs of ideas, but not signs of objects. The objective world thus becomes the creation of thought. The apparent or phenomenal objective world is cre- ated magically by thought. There are no stars as objective realities; there are only stars by the magic of thought. Astron- omy is not a science of orbs which depends on the existence of objective realities; but it is a science of words which depends on our concepts, and contributions to astronomy are only con- tributions to language and consist only in a better method of using symbols as words to describe our concepts. There are no atoms or molecules or substances as science teaches ; but there are concepts of atoms, molecules, and substances, and all contributions to chemistry are but contributions to language by which symbols that do not represent reality, but only con- cepts, are made more useful as linguistic devices. There is no such thing as motion; motion is but the product of thought. We think there is motion, but it has no objective reality, and contributions to dynamics are only contributions to language! During the last decade Ladd has published a volume, titled What is Reality?, in which he sets forth in a masterly manner the concomitaucy of the categories. In this great work he powEi.1,1 SOPHIOLOGY CLXXXIX treats of the fundamental elements in the fallacies of material- ism and idealism, and the metaphysicians of both schools must reckon with him before again stating their systems. The stream of thought is a succession of judgments, and judgments are made of essentials ; hence we cognize by essen- tials. Judgments are made instantaneously; hence our judg- ments are infinite, as that term is used in mathematics; they are so nmltitudiiious that we can not enumerate them in statable quantities. Judgments are repeated again and again and thus become habitual, when the objects of judgment are again presented or represented. These abstract judgments are con- creted or integrated; for when a judgment is made of one essential, the others are implicated, posited, or presupposed; thus judgments become vicarious. If I judge that a body is one I implicate that it has extension, speed, ])ersistence, and consciousness. No particle or body can exist without all of its essentials, for they are concomitant. This fact is a refutation not only of materialism and idealism, but of all metaphysical systems." In metaphysic qualities are not discriminated from other categories. The same number is few or many from an ideal or an adopted standpoint of consideration. The sands of the lake are many compared with the sands of the pond, but the sands of the lake are few when compared with the sands of the sea. The stars of the Milky Way are man}' compared with the stars of Orion, but the stars of the Milk)- Way are few compared with all the stars of the firmament. So forms are large or small from artificial standpoints. Structures are sim- ple or complex in the same manner. Forces are strong or weak with different purposes in view; times are long for the same reason, and causes are trivial or potent. Judgments are wise or unwise when the view comes, and the wisdom of yes- terday is the folly of to-day. Men have distinguished but slowly between qualities and other categories, and there has always been a tendency to explain unknown categories as qualities, for often they have been dwelt upon before their corresponding categories were known. In the ordinary course o For the demonstration of the concomitancy of essentials, see my volume Truth and Error. CXC ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [kth. ann. 20 of liuinan reason the first incentive to an investigation of tlie other categories is derived from a knowledge of their qualities, and so long as they are unknown they are believed to be only qualities. It is this characteristic of qualities that seems to give war- rant to idealism. Qualities always change with the change in view, and they are ideal when we consider things with relation to purposes. You can always discover that idealists consider only qualities among the categories and confuse all others with them. Even while I am writing this state- ment there comes to hand a new work on idealism, titled The World and the Individual, by Royce. On every page of this book he considers qualities and only qualities. On page 209 he says: Those other objects of common human interest are viewed, by com- mon sense, namely, not as Independent Beings, which would retain their reality- unaltered even if nobody ever were able to think of them, but rather as objects, such that, while people can and often do think of them, their own sole Beinj>' consists in their character as ren- dering such thoughts about themselves objectively valid for every- body concerned. Their whole esse then consists in their value as giving warrant and validity to the thoughts that refer to them. Thej- are external to anj- particular ideas, yet they can not be defined independ- entlj^ of all ideas. Do you ask me to name such objects of ordinary conversation? I answer at once by asking whether the credit of a commercial house, the debts that a man owes, the present price of a given stock in the stock market, yes, the market price current of any given commodity; or, again, whether the I'ank of a given official, the social status of anj^ member of the community, the marks received by a student at any examination ; or, to pass to another field, whether this or that commer- cial partnership, or international treat}', or still once more, whether the British constitution — ^whether, I say, any or all of the objects thus named, will not be regarded, in ordinary conversation, as in some sen.se real beings, facts possessed of a genuinely ontological character* One surely says: The debt exists; the credit is a fact; the constitution has objective Being. Yet none of these facts, prices, credits, debts, ranks, standings, marks, partnerships, constitutions, are viewed as real inde- pendentlj' of any and of all possible ideas that shall refer to them. The objects now under our notice have, moreover, like physical things, very various grades of supposed endurance and of recognized signifi- cance. Some vanish hourlv. Others mav outlast centuries. The i-owEiij SOPHIOLOGY CXCI prices vary from day to day; the credits may not survive the next panic; the constitution maj^ verj- slowly evolve for ages. None of these objects, moreover, can be called mere ideas inside of any man's head. None of them are arbitrary creations of definition. The indi- vidual may find them as stubborn facts as are material objects. The prices in the stock market may behave like irresistible physical forces. And yet none of these objects would continue to exist, as they are now supposed to exist, unless somebody frequently thought of them, recog- nized them, and agreed with his fellows about them. Their fashion of supposed being is thus ordinarily conceived as at once ideal and extraideal. They are not "things in themselves," and they are not mere facts of private consciousness. You have to count upon them as objective. But if ideas vanished from the world, thej' would vanish also. They, then, are the objects of the relatively external meanings of ideas. Yet they are not wholly separable from internal meanings. Well, all of these facts are examples of beings of which it seems easiest to say that they are real mainlj' in so far as they serve to give truth or validity to a certain group of assertions about each one of them. Yes, it" ideas were to vanish from tlie world, qualities would vanish also. What, then, are qualities; and can we define themf Quali- ties are attributes to good and evil. This definition is per- fect, for it is inclusive of all and exclusive of others. All that has been written in this series of articles is designed to set forth their nature. Qualities naturally fall into five groups: There are esthetic qualities, or qualities of pleasure and pain; there are industrial qualities, or qualities of welfare and illfare ; there are institutional qualities, or qualities of morality and immorality; there are linguistic qualities, or qualities of truth and falsehood; there are sophiological qualities, or qualities of wisdom and folly. Those attributes which we call qualities are always found in antithetic pairs. All human activities are performed for purposes, and these purposes are either good or evil; no pur- poses can be neutral. Hence we see that purposes play a role of transcendent importance in human affairs. Notwithstanding this, there are other categories of reality in the universe, but personal interest in qualities masks them from the considera- tion of the metaphysician. If there has been one cause for the longevity of myths more OXCII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [etii. asn. 20 potent than another, it has been the doctrine of phenomenon and noumenon as it is held in metaphysic. How often have men erred in judgment when brought to the test of action! What multitudes of judgments have been proved to be erro- neous by the test of experience through verification! When men contemplate the mistakes made in every hour of waking life; when men contemplate the hosts of erroneous notions that they have entertained, when they realize that the result of thought is mainly the reconstruction of notions, it is not strange that men should despair of all certitude and cry, "We know not reality, but only appearance ! " Aristotle formulated the laws of disputation as laws of thought itself, and so the logic of scholasticism is but the logic of controversy. When men compared theories of the universe, they found that any theory could be maintained with plausi- bility because they yet remained ignorant of the laws of veri- ficatioji; it was not strange that a sense of illusion seemed to pervade the universe. Thus the metaphysical doctrine of phenomenon and noumenon is seemingly confirmed. SCIENCE It would be a pleasing task to outline the history of science. Science is as old as error. Although human fallacies began with primordial man, knowledge also began with primordial man, and the two have grown together. Science has more and more prevailed, and error has more and more succumbed to its power. As the errors of animism, mythology, cos- mology, and metaphysic have been overthrown, there are many who still entertain them, and scientific men have come to call all of these errors folklore, and folklore itself has come to be the subject-matter of science. The study of folklore is a study of superstitions. Supersti- tions are opinions which stand over from a lower into a higher state of culture. There are people who can move their ears at will. The lower animals can do this, but only a few human beings can wink their ears. Organs that are useful in lower species may remain in an imperfect and practically useless state in a more «i«Ki-'] SOPHIOLOGY OXCIII highly developed species. They are then called vestigial organs. As there are vestigial organs, so there are vestigial opinions. These vestigial opinions are commonly called sujjer- stitions. When we come to investigate vestigial opinions and treat them as objects of science, we no longer call them superstitions, but we call them folklore. The science of folklore may be defined as the science of superstitions, or the science of vestigial opinions no longer held as valid. Yet such en-oneous opinions that hold over from the days of greater ignorance to the era of modern scientific research are found to be of profound interest in the revelations which they make of the nature of supei-stitions themselves. We might neglect them, or seek to substitute for them valid opinions. However, science does not hesitate to investigate any question, and even the natural history of superstitions has come to be a profoundly interesting and instructive science. Some years ago a movement was made in Europe and America to investigate superstitions themselves on the theory that they are valid. Societies were organized in London, Paris, Berlin, and Boston for the purpose of determining whether or not there is substantial truth in error itself. This is the function of the Societies for Psychical Research, the pur- pose of which is to discover the truth of dreams, the validity of necromancy, and the reality of ghosts. I have a suspicion that the Societies for Psychical Research are rather instrumen- tal in increasing superstitions than in dispelling them, and that we reap the natural fruit of these researches in the increased prevalence of such abnormal cults and arts as christian science, mind-healing, spirit-rapping, and slate-juggling. Be this as it may, there is one result growing out of the modern Societies for Psychical Research which I hail with pleasure: In the transactions of these societies there is put on record a great body of superstitions, all of which are valuable material as folklore. Remember it is the science of superstitions, and the science must deal with the fundamental errors of mankind (how the phenomena of nature have been interpreted hj savage and barbaric peoples), and how these errors as vestigial phenomena 20 ETH — 03 xm CXOIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 have i-emained over in civilization and are still entertained. Of course the ignorant entertain thera by wholesale ; but it is not the ignorant alone who entertain superstitions. Supersti- tions are domiciled in many parlors, they are paraded on many platforms, they are worshipped in many temples, and they lurk even in scientific halls and appear in scientific publications and are taught by scientific men. There is much folklore in this world, and sometimes it may be found in strange company. It is thus that the study of folklore reveals the origin and nature of superstitions and makes the grand scientific distinc- tion between valid concepts and uncanny visions. The habit of believing in the impossible, of expecting the absurd, and of attributing phenomena to the occult, gives rise to two classes of magical agencies which, from savagery to the highest stages of culture, have played important roles in the explanation of magic. These are the beliefs in mascots and tabus. Those who dwell on the mysteries of life, especially as they are revealed in ecstacy, hypnotism, intoxication, and insanity, are forever looking for mascots or mysterious causes. Such occult agencies are sweet morsels to superstitious people, just as scientific men delight in the discovery of scientific facts. What a wonder it was to scientific men to discover that bones could be photographed through their covering of flesh! The discovery of the Rontgen rays was held to be so important that the discoverer was awarded a great meed of praise. But the potency of the left hindfoot of a graveyard rabbit plucked in the dark of the moon is held by superstitious people to be of more importance than the Rontgen rays. More peo- ple believe in mascots than believe in telephones, and those who believe in mascots believe that telephones are magical. In the same manner tabus perform wonderful magic feats in the notions of many persons. In savagery there are many tabus, and men must not do this thing nor that thing lest their enterprise should fail. Survival of tabus still exists ; for exam- ple, thirteen persons must not sit at the table lest one should die. So mascots and tabus still have their influence in civil- ized society. 1-ohell] sophiology oxcv Instruction Having set forth the nature of the opinions held by mankind in different stages of culture, and the way in wiiich science sup- plants superstition through the agency of verification, it yet remains for us to characterize the agencies by which opinions are propagated. This gives rise to the fifth great system of arts, the last in the pentalogie series, the arts of sophiology. A brief characterization will be sufficient for our purposes. Sophiology is the art of instruction. NURTURE It is found that in organized society man has developed five distinct agencies for instruction. In infancy parents instruct their children. As children advance in age, other members of the family take part in the work ; and still as the child advances in years his associations are enlarged and all of those persons who constitute his social environment take part. Instruction of this character is well recognized under the tei-m nurture. ORATORY In tribal society an important agency of instruction is found in oratory. Every patriarch of a clan, every chief of a tribe, every shaman of a brotherhood, every chief of a confederacy, must be an instructor of his people. This instruction is neces- sarily conveyed by oratory; hence in tribal society a com- paratively large number of persons are spokesmen or official oi'ators. In the frequent assemblages of the people by clans, tribes, phratries, and confederacies abundant opportunity occurs for the exercise of this office, and when important mat- ters are up for consideration in the council every man has a right to a voice, and his influence in the tribe depends largely on his powers of persuasion as an orator. Oratory is there- fore very highly developed in tribal society. At the dawn of ancient civilization the Greek philosophers employed this method of conveying instruction. In national society there is still opportunity for oratory in the more highly developed council of state. CXCVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [eth. ann. 20 'I'here are other occasions for oratory. There still remains a field for the employment of oratory in religion, for the reli- gious teacher must be an orator, and one day in the week is set apart for religious instruction. The method of instruction by this means has a long history, and through it mankind have received a large share of their instruction, although in modem times it has been employed chiefly in teaching morals. EDUCATION In modern society a distinct agency is organized for the instruction of youth in addition to those included under the terms nurture and oratory. This new instruction is education. In the highest civilization the years of adolescence, and sometimes of early manhood, are consecrated to education, so that much of the time of individual life is occupied in this manner. A multiplicity of schools are organized, a host of teachers are employed, buildings and apparatus are used, so that the cost of education is rapidly advancing j>«n passu with the growing appreciation of its importance. The theory and art of education are undei'going rapid development. We may contemplate with surprise the development of manufacturing interests; we may gaze with wonder at the development of the agencies of transportation; we may consider with pro- found interest the development of commerce and the modern agencies upon which its highest stages depend, but the wonder of wonders is the development of modern agencies of edu- cation. As human muscle is supplanted by electricity, the tallow dips by the incandescent light, the coin by credit, so the text-book is supplanted by the library, the teacher's rod by the instnictor's illumination, and the memorized word by the informing idea. PUBLICATION In early times many manuscripts were written and important ones were often copied, but altogether this method of multipli- cation was infrequent. A new civilization began with the events and discoveries that came upon the world about the time of the discovery of America; in this epoch the art of JEWELL] SOPHIOLOGY CXCVII printing was invented, through which was developed a new system of instruction wliich has ah-eady become universal in civilized society and whose potency for progress can hardly be underestimated. This new system is publication. Books and periodicals constitute the fourth great agency of instruction. RESEARCH Research is the potent agency for the development of new opinions. Aristotle is credited with organizing research. Intermittent and feeble research extended from his time on until the epoch of modern civilization. The discovery of America signalizes the beginning of this epoch. Prior to this time research was dangerous; the propogation of new truth was held to be impiety to the gods, old opinions were held, to be sacred, and temble punisment was the reward of him who taught new truths to the world. Prior to this time even the discoveries in astronomy were held by men only in seoi-et, and the flat earth with a revolving sun was the sacred opinion. When the New World was discovered it was so brilliant an example of the results of the belief in a scientific doctrine that science itself was exalted and the scientific man could hold up his head and walk the earth the peer of all men. Since that time research has been organized in many fields and hosts of men have become votaries to research, and now the fifth great sociologic agent is firmly established among the institutions of civilization. We thus have Nurture, Oratory, Education, Publication, and Research as the five grand arts of Instruction. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Annual Reports First annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1879-'80 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1881 Roy. 8°. XXXV, 603 p., 347 fig. (incl. 54 pi.), map. Out of •print. Report of the Director. P. xi-xxxiii. On the evolution of language, as exhibited in the specialization of the gramniatic processes, the differentiation of the parts of speech, and the integration of the sentence; from a study of Indian languages, by J. W. Powell. P. 1-16. Sketch of the mythology of the North American Indians, by J. W. Powell. P. 17-56. Wyandot government: a short study of tribal society, by J. W. Powell. P. 57-69. On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data, by J. W. Powell. P. 71-86. A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs of the North Ameri- can Indians, by Dr. H. C. Yarrow, act. asst. surg!, U. S. A. P. 87-203, fig. 1-47. Studies in Central American picture-writing, by Edward S. Holden, professor of mathematics, U. S. Naval Observatory. P. 205-245, fig. 48-60. Cessions of land by Indian tribes to the United States: illustrated by those in the state of Indiana, by C. C. Royce. P. 247-262, map. Sign language among North American Indians, compared with that among other peoples and deaf-mutes, by Garrick Mallery. P. 263-552, fig. 61-342a, 3426-346. Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, by James C. Pilling. P. 553-577. Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages. From the manuscripts of Messrs. J. O. Dorsey, A. S. Gatschet, and S. R. Riggs. P. 579-589. Index. P. 591-603. Second annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1880-81 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1883 [1884] Roy. 8°. XXXVII, 477 p., 77 pi., fig. 1-35, 347-714 (382 of these forming 98 pi.), 2 maps. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xv-xxxvii. Zufli fetiches, by Frank Hamilton Gushing. P. 3-45, pi. i-xi, fig. 1-3. Myths of the Iroquois, by Erminnie A. Smith. P. 47-116, pi. xii-xv. Animal carvings from mounds of the Mississippi valley, by Henry W. Henshaw. P. 117-166, fig. 4-35. CXCIX CC BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Navajo silversmiths, by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A. P. 1K7-I7f<, pi. X\l-XX. Art in shell of tlie ancient Americans, by William H. Holmes. P. 179-305, pi. .\.\I-LX.XVII. Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the Indians of New Mex- ico and Arizona in 1879, by James Stevenson. P. 807—122, fig. 847-697, map. Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the Indians of New Mex- ico in 1880, by James Stevenson. P. 423-465, fig. 698-714, map. Index. P. 467^77. Third annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the .secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1881-'82 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 188-i [1885] Roy. 8°. Lxxiv, 60(j p., 44 pi., 200 (+ 2 unnumbered) %. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xiii-lxxiv. On activital similarities. P. lxv-lxxiv. Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas. P. 3-65, pi. i-iv, fig. i-10. On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs, with an inquiry into the bear- ing of their geographical distribution, by William Healey Dall, assistant U. S. Coast Survey; honorary curator U. S. National Museum. P. 67-202, pi. v-xxix. Omaha sociology, by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey. P. 205-370, pi. xxx-xxxiii, fig. 12-42. Navajo weavers, by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A. P. 371-391, pi. xxxiv- xxxvni, fig. 42-59. Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived from impressions on pot- tery, by William H. Holmes. P. .39.3-425, pi. xxxix, fig. 60-115. Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made by the Bureau of Eth- nology during the field season of 1881, by William H. Holmes. P. 427-510, fig. 116-200. Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the pueblos of Zuni, New Mexico, and Wolpi, Arizona, in 1881, by James Stevenson. P. 511-594, pi. XL-XUV. Index. P. 595-606. Fouith annual report of the Bureau of Ethnolog}' to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1882-'83 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1886 [1887] Roy. 8°. LXiii, 532p., 83 pi., 665 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xxvii-lxiii. Pictographs of the North American Indians. A preliminary paper, by Oarrick Mallery. P. .3-256, pi. i-lxxxiii, fig. 1-111, lllrt-209. Pottery of the ancient pueblos, by William H. Holmes. P. 257-360, fig. 210- 360. Ancient pottery of the Mississippi valley, by William H. Holmes. P. ,361-436, fig. 361-463. Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art, by William II. Holmes. P. 437-465, fig. 464-489. A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuni culture growth, by Frank Hamilton Cushing. P. 467-521, fig. 490-564. Index to accompanying jiapers. P. 523.\-532. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS CCI Fifth annual report of the liureau of Ethnologj- to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1883-'84 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington (xovernment Printing Office 1887 [1888] Roy. 8°. Liii, 564 p., 23 pi. (incl. 2 pocket maps), 77 fig. Oxd of print. Report of the Director. P. xvii-liii. Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thoniius. P. 3-119, pi. i-vi, fig. 1-49. The Cherokee Nation of Indians: a narrative of their official relations with the colonial and federal governments, by Charles C. Royce. P. 121-378, pi. vii- IX (pi. VIII and ix are pocket maps). The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony, by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A. P. 379-467, pi. x-xviii, fig. 50-59. The Seminole Indians of Florida, bv Clay HacCauley. P. 469-531, pi. xix, flg. 60-77. The religious life of the Zuiii child, by Mrs. Tilly E. Stevenson. P. 533-555, pi. XX-XXIII. Index. P. 557-564. Sixth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 188tt-'8o by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1888 [1889] Roy 8°. Lviii, 675 p. (incl. 6 p. of music), 10 pi. (incl. 2 pocket maps), 546 fig., 44 small unnumbered cuts. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xxiii-lviii. Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia, by AVilliam H. Holmes P. 3-187, pi. I, fig. 1-285. .\ study of the textile art in its relation to the development of form and orna- ment, by William H. Holmes. P. 189-252, fig. 286-358. Aids to the study of the Maya codices, bv Prof. Cyrus Thomas. P. 253-37] fig. 359-388. Osage traditions, by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey. P. 373-397, flg. 389. The central Eskimo, by Dr. Franz Boas. P. .399--669, pi. ii-x, fig. 390-546 (pi. 11 and III are pocket maps) . Index. P. 671-675. Seventh annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1885-'86 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1891 [1892] Roy. 8°. XLin, 409 p., 27 pi. (incl. pocket map), 39 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xv-xli. Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico, by J. W. Powell. P. 1-142, pi. I (pocket map). The Mide'wiwin or "grand medicine society" of the Ojibwa, by W. J. Hoffman P. 143-300, pi. ii-xxiii, fig. 1-39. The sacred formulas of the Cherokees, by James Mooney. P. 301-397, pi. xxiv- xxvii. Index. P. 399-409. ecu BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Eij^hth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1886-'87 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1891 [1893] Roy. 8°. XXXVI, 298 p., 123 pi., 118 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. T. xiii-xxxvi. A study of Pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff. P. 3-228, jil. i-f'xi, fig. 1-114. Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the Navajo Indians, by James Stevenson. P. 229-286, pi. cxii-cxxiii, fig. 115-118. Index. P. 287-298. Ninth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1887-'88 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1892 [1893] Roy. 8°. XLVi, 6l7p., 8 pi., 44:8 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xix-xlvi. Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expedition, by John Murdock, natural- ist and observer, International polar expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska, 188I-I883. P. 3-441, pi. i-ii, fig. 1-428. The medicine-men of the Apache, by John G. Bourke, captain, third cavalry, U. S. army. P. 443-603, pi. iii-viii, fig. 429-448. Index. P. 605-617. Tenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1888-'89 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1893 [1894] Roy. 8°. XXX, 822 p., 54 pi., 1291 fig., 116 small unnumbered cuts. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. iii-xxx. Picture-writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery. P. 3-807, pi. i-Liv, fig. 1-145, 145a-1290. Index. P. 809-822. Eleventh annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1889-'90 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] W^ashington Government Printing Office 1894 Roy. 8°. XLVii, 553p., 50 pi., 200 fig. Out of immt. Report of the Director. P. xxi-xlvii. The Sia, by Matilda Coxe Stevenson. P. 3-157, pi. i-xxxv, fig. 1-20. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay territory, by Lucien M. Turner. [Edited by John Murdoch.] P. 1.59-350, pi. xxxvi-xliii, fig. 21-155. A study of Siouan cults, bv James Owen Dorsev. P. 351-544, pi. xliv-i., fig. 156-200. Index. P. 545-553. Twelfth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1890-'91 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1894 • Roy. 8°. xLviii, 742 p., 42 pi., 344 fig. Out of jyrint. Report of the Director. P. xix-xlviii. Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Cyrus Thomas. P. 3-730, pi. i-XLii, fig. 1-344. Index. P. 731-742. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS _ CCIII Thirteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnolog\- to the secre- tary of the Smithsonian Institution 1891-'92 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1896 Roy. 8°. Lix, 462p.. 60 pi., 330 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xix-lix. Prehistoric textile art of eastern United States, by WiUiani Henry Hoknes. P. 3-16, pi. i-ix, fig. 1-28. Stone art, by Gerard Fowke. P. 47-178, fig. 29-278. Atoriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona, by CoBmos Mindeleff. P. 179-261, pi. x-L, fig. 279-305. Omaha dwellings, furniture, and Implements, by James Owen Dorsey. P. 26:^288, fig. 306-327. Casa Grande ruin, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 289-319, pi. i,i-lx, fig. 328-3.30. Outlines of Zufii creation myths, by Frank Hamilton Gushing. P. 321-447. Index. P. 449-462. Fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secre- tary of the Smithsonian Institution 1892-93 by J. W. Powell director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] Washington Gov- ernment Printing Office 1896 [1897] Roy. 8°. Two parts, lxi, 1-637; 639-1136 p., 122 pi., 104 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xxv-lxi. The Menomini Indians, by Walter James Hoffman, M. D. P. 3-328, pi. i-xxxvii, fig. 1-55. The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542, by George Parker Winship. P. 329-613, pi. XXXVIII-LXXXIV. Index to part 1. P. 615-637. The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890, by James Mooney. P. 641-1110, pi. Lxxxv-cxxii, fig. 56-104. Index to part 2. P. 1111-1136. Fifteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1893-'94 by J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1897 Roy. 8°. cxxi, 366 p., frontispiece, 125 pi., 49 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xv-cxxi. On regimentation. P. civ-cxxi. Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province, by William Henry Holmes. P. 3-152, pi. i-ciii and frontispiece, fig. l-29a. The Siouan Indians: a preliminary sketch, by W J McGee. P. 153-204. Siouan sociology: a posthumous paper, by James Owen Dorsey. P. 205-244, fig. 30-38. Tusayan katcinas, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 245-313, pi. civ-cxi, fig. 39-48. The repair of Casa Grande ruin, Arizona, in 1891, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 31.5-349, pi. cxii-cxxv. Index. P. 351-366. CCIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Sixteenth aiiuual report of the Bureau of American Ethnolog}' to tlie secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 189J:-'95 bj- J. W. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1897 Roy. s<^. cxix, 826p., 81 pi., 83%. Outofjjrint. Report of the Director. P. xiii-cxix. List of putilications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. P. ci-cxix. Pr.mitive trephining in Peru, by Manuel Antonio Muniz and W J McGee. P. 3-72, pi. i-xi.. Ihe cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 73-198, pi. xLi-Lxiii, fig. 1-83. Day symbols of the Maya year, by Cyrus Thomas. P. 199-265, pi. lxiv-lxix. Tusayan snake ceremonies, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 267-312, pi. i.xx- LXXXI. Index. P. 313-326. Seventeeth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1895-96 by J. W. Powell director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] Washington Goy- ernment Printing Office 1898 [part 1, 1900, part 2, 1901] Roy. 8°. Two parts, xcv. 1-128, 129*-344*, 129-468; 465-752 p., 182 pi., 357 tig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xxv-xciii. List of publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. P. lxxv-xciii. The Seri Indians, by W J McGee. P. 1-128, 129»-344*, pi. i-iiki, inb, iva, iv6, vo, vfc, vi(/, vi^, viio, VI16-IXO, ix6-Lvi, fig. 1—12. Comparative lexicology, by ,1. N. B. Hewitt. P. 299*-344*. Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians, by James Mooney. P. 129-44.5, pi. LVii-LXxxi, fig. 4.3-229. Index to part 1. P. 447-468. Navaho houses, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 469-517, pi. lxxxii-xc, fig. 230-244. Archeological expedition to Arizona in 1895, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 519-744, pi. xcid, XC16-CLXXV, fig. 245-357. Index to part 2. P. 745-752. Eighteenth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1896-97 by J. W. Powell director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] Washington Gov- ernment Printing Office 1899 [part 1, 1901, part 2, 1902] Roy. 8^. Two parts, lvii. 1-518; 519-997 p., 174 pi., 165 fig. Out of print. Report of the Director. P. xxiu-lvii. The Eskimo about Bering strait, by Edward William Nelson. P. 3-518, pi. i- cvii, fig. 1-165. Indian land cessions in the United States, compiled by Charles C. Royce, with an introduction by Cyrus Thomas. P. 521-964, pi. cviii-clxxiv. ' Index. P. 965-997. Nineteenth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1897-98 by J. W. Powell LIST OV PUBLICATIONS COV ■director In two parts— part 1 [-2] [VignetteJ Wasbington Gov- ernment Printing Office 19(10 [1902] Roy. 8-. Two parts, xcii, 1-568, 569*-576*; 569-1160 p., fron- tispiece, 80 pi., 49 fig. Report of the Director. P. ix-xcii, frontispiece. Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to give pleasure. P. i.v- xcn. Myths of the Cherokee, by James Mooney. P. 3-548, pi. i-xx, fig. 1-2. Index to part 1. P. 549-568, 569*-576*. Tusayan migration traditions, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 57.3-633. Localization of Tusavan clans, bv Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 635-653, pi. xxi-xxvin, fig. 3. Mounds in northern Honduras, by Thomas Gann. P. 655-692, pi. xxix-xxxix, fig. 4-7. Mayan calendar systems, by Cyrus Thomas. P. 693-819, pi. xl-xliii«, xLiiift- XLiv, fig. 8-17((, 176-22. Primitive numbers, by W J McGee. P. 821-851. Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America, by Cvrus Thomas. P. 8.53- 955, fig. 23-41. Tusayan Flute and Snake ceremonies, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 957-1011, pi. XLV-Lxv, fig. 42-46. The wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes, a study in American primitive eco- nomics, by Albert Ernest Jenks. P. 101.3-1137, pi. i.xvi-lxxix, fig. 47-48. Index to part 2. P. 1139-1160. Twentieth annua! report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1898-99 by J. AV. Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1903 Roy. 8'. 180 pL, 79 fig. Report of the Director. P. vii-ccxxiii. Technology, or the science of industries. P. xxix-lvii. Sociology, or the science of institutions. P. lix-cxxxviii. Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression. P. cxxxix- CLXX. Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruction. V. CLXXI-CXCVII. List of publications 6f the Bureau of American Ethnology. P. cxcix-ccxxni. Aboriginal pottery of the eastern Unite^. 246 p., 17 pi. and maps. (13). Bibliography of the Algonquian languages by James Con- stantine Pilling 1891 [1892] 8^. X, 614 p. , 82 facsimiles. Out of print. (14). Bibliography of the Athapascan languages by James Ck)n- stantine Pilling 1892 8°. xni, 125 p. (incl. 4 p. facsimiles). (15). Bibliography of the Chinookan languages (including the Chi- nook jargon) by James Constantine Pilling 1893 8^. XIII, 81 p. (incl. 3 p. facsimiles). (16). Bibliography of the Salishan languages by James Constan- tine Pilling 1893 8'^. XIII, 86 p. (incl. 4 p. facsimiles). (17). The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia by Jno. Garland Pollard 1894 9P. 19 p. (18). The Maya year by Cyrus Thomas 1894 8". 64p.,lpl. (19). Bibliography of the Wakashan languages by James Constan- tine Pilling 1894 8°. XI, 70 p. (mcl. 2 p. facsimiles). (20). Chinook texts by Franz Boas 1894 [1895] 8°. 278 p., 1 pi. (21). An ancient quarry in Indian Territory by William Henry Holmes 1894 8°. 19 p., 12 pi., 7 fig. CCVIII BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOOY {2-2). The Siouan tribes of the East by James Mooney 1894 [1895] 8°. 101 p., map. (23). Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac vailej's by Gerard Fowke 1894 [1895] *8°. 80 p., 17 fig. (24). List of the publications of the Bureau of Ethnology with index to authors and subjects by Frederick Webb Hodge 1894 8-. 25 p. 25. Natick dictionary b^' James Hammond Trumbull 1903 Roy. 8^. xxviii, 349 p. 26. Kathlamet texts by Franz Boas 1901 Roy. 8'-'. 261 p., 1 pi. 27. Tsimshian texts by Franz Boas 1902 Roy. 8=^. 244 p. 28. Haida texts by John R. Swan ton In preparatimi. 29. Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar sys- tems Nine papers by Eduard Seler translated from the German under the supervision of Charles P. Bowditch In preparatimx. 30. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and history Twenty papers by E. FOrstemann, Paul Schellhas, Carl Sapper, Eduard Seler, and E. P. Dieseldorff translated from the German under the super- vision of Charles P. Bowditch In preparation. 31. Kwakiutl texts b}' Franz Boas In ^preparation. Contributions to North American Ethnology (All of the volumes of this series are out of print) Department of the Interior U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region J. W. Powell in charge — Contributions to North American ethnology — Volume I [-VH. IX] — [Seal of the department] Washington Government Printing Office 1877 [-1893] 4°. 9 vols. Contents Volume I, 1877: Part I. Tribes of the extreme Northwest, by W. H. Dall. P. 1-106, 10 niinuni- bered pi., 9 unnumbered fig., pocket map. On the distribution and nomenclature of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory. P. 7-40, pocket map. On succession in the shell-heaps of the Aleutian islands. P. 41-91, 10 pi., 9 fig. On the origin of the Innuit. P. 93-106. Appendix to part i. Linguistics. P. 107-156. Notes on the natives of Alaska (communicated to the late George Gibbs, M.D., in 1862), by His Excellency J. Furuhelm, late governor of the Russian-American colonies. P. 111-116. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS COIX Volume I — Continued. Part I — Continued. Terms of relationship used by the Innuit: a series obtained from natives of Cumberland inlet, by W. H. Dall. P. 117-119. Vocabularies [by George Gibbs and W. H. Dall]. P. 121-153. Note on the use of numerals among the T'sim si-an', by Geoi^e Gibbs, M. D. P. 155-156. Part II. Tribes of western Washington and northwestern Oregon, by George Gibbs, M. D. P. 157-241, pocket map. Appendix to part ii. Linguistics. P. 243-361. Vocabularies [by George Gibbs, Wm. F. Tolmie, and G. Mengarini]. P. 247-283. Dictionary of the Niskwalli [Nisqualli- English and English-Nisqualli], by George Gibbs. P. 286-361. Volume II, 1890 [1891]: The Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon, by Albert Samuel Gatschet. Two parts, cvii, 711 p., map; iii, 711 p. Volume III, 1877: Tribes of California, by Stephen Powers. 635 p., frontispiece, 44 fig. (incl. 42 pi. ), 3 p. music, pocket map. ^ Appendix. Linguistics, edited by J. W. Powell. P. 439-613. Volume IV, 1881: Houses and house-life of the American aborigines, by Lewis H. Morgan, xiv, 281 p., frontispiece, 57 fig. (incl. 28 pi.). Volume V, 1882: Observations on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculptures in the Old World and in America, by Charles Ran. 1881. 112 p., 61 flg. (forming 35 pis.). On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets, by Robert Fletcher, M. R. C. S. Eng., act. asst. surgeon U. S. Army. 1882. 32 p., 9 pi., 2 flg. A study of the manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas Ph. D., with an introduc- tion by D. G. Brinton, M. D. 1882. xxxvii, 237 p., 9 pi., 101 flg., 25 small unnumbered cuts. Volume VI, 1890 [1892]: The Cegiha language, by James Owen Dorsey. xviii, 794 p. Volume VII, 1890 [1892]: A Dakota-English dictionary, by Stephen Return Riggs, edited by James Owen • Dorsey. x, 665 p. Volume VIII: [Note. As was announced in the list of publications issued as Bulletin 24, it was the intention to publish Professor Holmes' memoir on the pottery of the eastern United States as Volume VIII of the Contributions, but as the act of January 12, 1895, failed to provide for the completion of this series, the eighth volume will not be published.] Volume IX, 1893 [1894]: Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, by Stephen Return Riggs, edited by James Owen Dorsey. xxxii, 239 p. 20 ETH— 03 XIV • ocx bureau of american ethnology Introductions {All of the volumes of thU series are out of print) (1). Introduction to the study of Indian languages, with words, phrases, and sentences to be collected. By J. W. Powell. [Seal of the Department of the Interior.] Washington: Government Printing Office. 187T. 4°. 104 p., 10 blank leaves. Second edition as follows: (2). Smithsonian Institution— Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell director— Introduction to the study of Indian languages with words, phrases and sentences to be collected— by J. W. Powell— Second edition— with charts— Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°. xi, 228 p., 10 blank leaves, 4 kinship charts in pocket. A 16° "Alphabet" of 2 leaves accompanies the work. (3). Smithsonian Institution— Bureau of Ethnology— Introduction to the study of sign language among the North American Indians as illustrating the gesture speech of mankind— by Garrick Mallery bre- vet lieut. col., U. S. army— Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°. iv, 72 p., 33 unnumbered figs. (4). Smithsonian Institution— Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell, director— Introduction to the study of mortuary customs among the North American Indians— by Dr. H. C. Yarrow act. asst. surg. U. S. A.— Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°. ix, 114 p. Miscellaneous Publications {All of the works in this series are out of print) (1). Smithsonian Institution— Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell, director — A collection of gesture-signs and signals of the North American Indians with some comparisons by Garrick Mallery brevet lieut. col. and formerly acting chief signal officer, U. S. army— Dis- tributed only to collaborators— Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°. 329 p. Note. 250 copies printed for use of collaborators only. (2). Smithsonian Institution— Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell director— Proof -sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians by James Constantino Pilling— (Distributed only to collaborators)— Washington Government Printing Office 1885 4=. XL, 1135 p., 29 pi. (facsimiles). LIST OF PUBLICATIONS CCXI Note. Only 110 copies printed for the use of collaborators, 10 of them on one side of the sheet. It was the intention to have this Bibliography form Volume X of the Contribu- tions to North American Ethnology, but the work assumed such i)roportions that it was subsequently deemed advisable to publish it as a part of the series of Bulletins, devoting a Bulletin to each linguistic stock. (3). Linguistic families of ttie Indian tribes north of Mexico, with provisional list of the principal tribal names and synonyms. [1885] 16°. 55 p. Note. A few copies printed for the use of the compilers of a Dictionary of Ameri- can Indians now in preparation. It is without title-page, name, or date, but was compiled from a manuscript list of Indian tribes by James Mooney. (4). [Map of J Linguistic stocks of American Lidians north of Mexico by J. W. Powell. [1891.] Note. A limited edition of this map, which forms plate i of the Seventh Annual Report, was issued on heavy paper, 19 by 22 inches, for the use of students. This map was revised and published in the Report on Indians Taxed and Not Taxed in the United States at the Eleventh Census, 1890. (5). Tribes of North America, with synonymy. Skittagetan family. [1890] 4°. 13 p. Note. A few copies printed for the use of the compilers of the Dictionary of American Indians. It was prepared by H. W. Henshaw, and contains two samples of style for the Dictionary, the second beginning on page 7 with the head, " Diction- ary of Indian tribal names." (6). Advance pages Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology — Dictionary of American Indians north of Mexico . . . [Vignette] Washington 1903 8°. 33 p. Note. Prepared by F. W. Hodge. Two hundred and fifty copies printed by the Smithsonian Institution for the use of the compilers of the Dictionary. Index to Authors and Titles A=Annual Report. B=Bulletin. C=Contribution8 to North American Ethnology. I=Introes, Iroquoian group 174 CLVII. Earthenware pipes, Iroquoian group 174 CLVIII. Pottery from a village site near Trenton, New Jersey, New England group , 176 CLIX. Pottery from the Atlantic Coast states. New England group 178 CLX. Pottery from New England, New England group 178 CLXI. Vases of Middle Mississippi type, Ohio Valley group 184 CLXII. Sherds with incised decorations from a village site at Fort Ancient, Ohio Valley group 184 CLXIII. Vases from mounds at Madisonville, Ohio Valley group 184 CLXIV. Vases illustrating textile imprintings, Ohio Valley group 184 CLXV. Incised decorations from earthenware, Ohio Valley group 184 CLXVI. Sherds of stamped and rouletted pottery, Naples, Illinois, Northwestern group 188 CLXVII. Sherds of stamped and rouletted pottery, Naples, Illinois, Northwestern group 188 CLXVIII. Vases decorated with the roulette, Illinois, Northwestern group. 188 CLXIX. Examples of roulette-decorated ware, Northwestern group 192 CLXX. Examples of roulette-decorated ware. Northwestern group 192 CLXXI. Examples of roulette-decorated ware. Northwestern group 192 CLXXII. Examples of roulette-decorated ware from Hopewell mounds, Ohio, Northwestern group 194 CLXXIII. Large vase from a village site. Two Rivers, Wisconsin, North- western group 196 CLXXIV. Potsherds from a village site. Two Rivers, Wisconsin, North- western group 196 CLXXV. Pottery of the Mandan Indians, Dakota, Northwestern group. 198 CLXXVI. Pottery from the Missouri valley (?), Northwestern group 198 CLXXVII. Pottery from a Pawnee village site, Nebraska, Northwestern group 200 12 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Figure 1. Indian women using earthen vessels in making cassine ( Lafitau ). . 26 2. Suspension of tlie vessel from a tripod (Schoolcraft) 27 3. Native maple sugar making (Lafitau) 32 4. Use of earthen vessel as a drum (Potherie) 34 5. Earthenware rattle, with clay pellets ( Thruston ) 35 6. Earthenware trowels and modeling tools 35 7. Probable manner of using earthenware modeling tools 36 8. Use of clay in plastering house wall of interlaced canes, Arkansas (Thomas ) 37 9. Rectangular burial casket of earthenware, Tennessee 37 10. Earthen vessel containing bones of children, Alabama (Moore) 37 11. Earthen vessel inverted over a skull for protection, Georgia (Moore) . 38 12. Earthenware burial urn and bowl cover, Georgia 38 13. Earthenware burial urn with cover, Georgia (Moore) 38 14. Earthenware burial urn with bowl cover and other vessels, Ala- bama (Moore) 38 15. Earthenware burial urn with bowl cover, Alabama (Moore) 39 16. Mortuary vases imitating the dead face, middle Mississippi valley. . 39 1 7. Toy-like vessels used as funeral offerings, Florida (Moore) 39 18. Toy-like funeral offerings imitating vegetal forms, Florida (Moore). 40 19. Toy-like funeral offerings imitating animal forms, Florida (Moore). 40 20. Toy-like figurine representing babe in cradle, Tennessee (Thruston) . 40 21. Small image of a turtle, Tennessee 41 22. Small earthenware figures suggesting ancient Mexican work, Georgia 41 23. Earthenware heads of Mexican type, Georgia 41 24. Earthenware beads and pendants 42 25. Ear plugs of earthenware, Mississippi valley 42 26. Labrets of earthenware, Mississippi valley 43 27. Pottery disks, probably used in playing some game 43 28. Spool-shaped articles of clay 44 29. Range in form of tobacco pipes 45 30. Use of the coil in vessel building 51 31. Use of a basket in modeling an earthen vessel (Gushing) 69 32. Use of a basket as a mold for the base of an earthen vessel ( Gushing) . 69 33. Vase showing impressions resulting from the use of pliable fabrics in wrapping and sustaining the vessel while plastic 70 34. Fragment of salt vessel, with cast in clay, showing kind of fabric used in modeling vessels 70 35. Fragment of cooking pot showing impressions of a net-covered paddle, North Carolina 71 36. Bowl from a North Carolina mound, showing impressions of a cord- wrapped malleating tool ._, 72 37. Bowl made by the author. The surface finished with the cord- wrapped paddle shown in figure 38 72 38. Cherokee potter's paddle wrapped with cord and used in malleating the bowl shown in figure 37 73 39. Potsherd showing effect produced by rocking a cord-wrapped imple- ment back and forth 74 40. a, A cylindric modeling tool wrapped with cord (restored); b, a notched wheel or roulette (restored); c, a vessel made by the author; surface finished with a cord-wrapped implement and decorated with the roulette 74 ILLUSTRATIONS 13 Page FlouRE 41. Potsherds showing sunple inetliod of applying conls in decorating vases 75 42. Small pot with finger-nail markings giving the effect of basket impressions 75 43. The roulette (restored) inked and rocked on a sheet of paper 70 44. Potsherds illustrating markings produced by the notched wheel.. 76 45. Potsherds with staniix'd markings giving textile-like effects 77 46. Modeling paddles with faces carved to imitate textile patterns 78 47. Potsherd showing textile-like effect of finishing with engraved paddles 78 48. Incised designs of textile character 79 49. Bottle decorated with serpent designs, Arkansas 91 50. Winged serpents and sun symbols from the vase illustrated in figure 49 91 51. Bottle ornamented with four engraved human figures, Arkansas.. 92 52. Bowl made by Choctaw Indians about 1860 102 53. Fragment of vessel with stamped design, Choctawhatchee bay, Florida 109 54. Bowl with thick collar, Tampa bay 112 55. Sections of thick-rimmed bowls. Early county, Georgia 112 56. Bowl from Mobile district, with patterns in color 113 57. Restoration of forms of fiber-tempered midden ware, St Johns river, Florida 121 58. Fragments of miilden-ware bowls with incised scroll decoration, St Johns river, Florida 122 59. Spanish olive jars, Florida 129 60. Small disks cut from sherds 141 61. Rude earthenware figurine, Potomac valley 156 62. Bark vessel showing characters sometimes copied in clay 160 63. Fragments of decorated vase-rims from the Mohawk valley 167 64. Vase from a grave (?) in Colchester, Vermont 169 65. Fragment of vase-rim with rudely modeled human figure. New York 172^ 66. Vessel with animal -shaped handles, Tennessee 180 67. Vessel with arched handle, Tennessee 181 68. Shoe-shaped vessel, Tennessee 181 69. Shoe-shaped vessel, Tennessee 182 70. Two-handled cup with rows of encircling nodes, Tennessee 182 71. Stamps used in decorating ve&sels ( restored) 189 72. Use of the roulette or rocking notched wheel 190 73. Vase made for trial of roulette, and cord-wrapjied modeling tool. 191 74. Vases from a mound near Laijorte, Indiana ( Foster) 191 75. Vase with conventionalized bird design 194 76. Sections of rims of vases from a village site at Two Rivers, Wis- consin 196 77. Fragments of a large vase from I^ake Nipigon, Ontario 197 78. Outlines of vases from a Pawnee village site, Nebraska 199 79. Fragment of a clay pipe from a Pawnee(?) village site, Nebraska. . 199 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF THE EASTERN UNITED STATES By W. H. Holmes PREFACE During the decade beginning witli 1880 the writer published a number of detailed studies of the aboriginal pottery of the United States. These were based largely on the Government collections, and appeared mainl\- in the annual reports of the Bureau of Ethnolog3\ The ware of sevei"al localities was described and illustrated in a cata- log of Bureau collections for 1881, published in the Third Annual Report, and the same volume contiiined a paper on ''Prehistoric Textile Fabrics Derived from Impressions on Potter}'." The Fourth Annual Report contained illustrated papers on " Ancient Pottery of the Missis- ' sippi Valley " and "' Form and Ornament in the Ceramic Art." In 1885 a paper on the collections of the Davenport Academy of Sciences appeared in the fourth volume of the Academy's proceedings, and sev- eral short articles have since appeared in the American Anthropologist. It was expected by the Director of the Bureau that the studies thus made, being preliminary in character, would lead up to a monographic treatise on native fictile art to form one of a series of works covering the whole i"ange of native arts and industries. The present paper was commenced in 1890, and in its inception was intended to accompany and form part of the final report of Dr Cyrus Thomas on mound explorations conducted for the Bureau during the period beginning with 1881 and ending in 1891. A change in the original plan of publication dissociated the writer's work from that of Dr Thomas, whose report was assigned to the Twelfth Annual, which it occupies in full. Delay in publishing the present paper afforded an opportunity for additional exploration and study, and the work was revised and amplified. Its scope was extended from the consideration of the pottery of the mound builders to that of the entire region oast of the Rocky mountains, the volume of matter being more than doubled and the value of the work greatly enhanced. 15 16 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [etii.anx,20 The collectioiihi made use of in the preparation of this paper are very extensive, and represent a multitude of village sites, mounds, graves, cemeteries, shell heaps, and refuse deposits in nearly all sections of the great region under consideration. At the same time it should be noted that the material available is far from complete or satisfactory. Much of it was carelessly collected and insufBciently labeled, and some districts are represented by mere random sherds which can not be depended on as a basis for important deductions. The collections made by the Bureau of American Ethnology are the most important, and some recent explorations have added material of a high order scientifically. Of the latter the work of Mr Frank H. Gushing in Florida and of Clarence B. Moore in Florida and other southern states may be specially mentioned. Details not considered essential to the story of the art have been omitted. Tedious recitals of form, color, size, and use of individual specimens have been avoided, the illustrations being relied on as the most satisfactory means of conveying a full and correct impression of the art. It was intended by the Director of the Bureau, when the preparation of preliminar}' papers on the various aboriginal arts began, that the illustrations prepared as the work developed should be brought together in final form in the monographic volumes of Contri- butions to North American Ethnology. It was found, however, that to utilize all of the material thus made available would in this case make the volume excessive, so a careful selection has been made from the earlier illustrations, and typical examples have been brought together in plates. In the main, however, the illustrations here pre- sented are new, as the old work did not extend much beyond the one ceramic group represented in the Middle Mississippi Vallej' province. The writer is much indebted to officers and custodians of the follow- ing institutions and societies for privileges accorded and assistance given in the preparation of this work: The National Museum, Wash- ington; the Davenport Academy of Sciences, Iowa; the Peabody Mu- seum, Cambridge; the American Museum of Natural History, New York; the Academj- of Sciences, Philadelphia; the Free Museum of Science and Art, Philadelphia; the Museum of Art, Cincinnati; and the Canadian Institute, Toronto. To many individual collectors grateful acknowledgments are due. Chief among them are the following: Mr W. H. Phillips, of Wash- ington, whose cooperation and assistance have been of the greatest service and whose collection of archeologic materials from the Potomac valley is unequaled; Mr Thomas Dowling, jr., whose collections from the same region have alwaj's been at the writer's disposal; Colonel C. C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia, to whom the country and especially the southern states are indebted for so nmch of value in the depart- ments of history and archeology; General Gates P, Thruston, of H(PI.MES| PREFACE 17 Niishville, whose explorations in Tennessee have yielded an unrivaled collection of valuable relics and whose writings have been freelj' drawn on in the preparation of this work; Mr W. K. Moorehead, of Xenia, Ohio, whose various collections have been made available for study; Mr Clarence B. Moore, of Philadelphia, whose great collections from the mounds and shell heaps of Florida, Georgia, and Alabama the writer has been called on to describe; Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, whose technologic skill has been of frequent assistance and whose col- lections from the central New York region and from Florida have been of much service; Reverend W. M. Beauchamp, of Baldwinsville, New York, who has furnished data respecting the ceramic work of the Iroquois; Mr H. P. Hamil'ton, of Three Rivers, Wisconsin, a careful collector of the fragile relics of the west shore of Lake Michigan, and Mr E. A. Barber, who kindly supplied a large body of data relating to the tobacco pipes of the region studied. Mention may also be made of the writer's great indebtedness to those who have assisted him in various ways as collaborators; to Mr W J McGee, whose scientific knowledge and literary skill have been drawn ' on freely on many occasions; to Mr William Dinwiddie, whose excel- lent photographs make it possible to present a number of unrivaled illustrations; to Mr John L. Ridgway, Miss Mary M. Mitchell, and Mr H. G. Hunter for many excellent drawings; to Mr DeLancey Gill for his very efficient management of the work of drawing, engraving, and printing illustrations, and to many other members of the Smithsonian Institution, the Bureau of American Ethnology, the Geological Survey, and the National Museum for valued assistance. 20 ETH— <^)3 ■ a INTRODUCTION Ceramic Art in Human History Objects of art may be studied with immediate reference to two main lines of investigation. First, they may be made to assist in telling the story of the origin and evolution of art and thus of many branches of culture, and, finally, of man; and second, they may be made to bear on the history of particular groups of people, of communities, tribes, and nations, and through these again on the origin and history of the race, the ultimate object of the whole group of investigations being a fuller comprehension of what man is, what he has been, and what he may hope to be. The ceramic art takes an important place among the arts of man, and its products, and especially its prehistoric remains, are invaluable to the student of history. Of the lower stages of progress through which all advanced nations have passed — stages represented still by some of the more primitive living peoples — this ai't can tell us little, since it was late taking its place in the circle of human attainments, but it records much of the history of man's struggles upward through the upper savage and barbarian stages of progress. It preserves, especially, the story of its own growth from the first crude effort of the primitive potter to the highest achievement of modern culture. It also throws many side lights on the various branches of art and industry with which it has been associated. Of all the movable products of barbarian art it appears that pottery is the most generallj' useful in locating vanished peoples and in defining their geographic limitations and migrations. The reasons for this may be briefly stated as follows: first, the need of vessels is common to all mankind, and the use of clay in vessel making is almost universal among peoples sufficiently advanced to utilize it; second, since the clay used readily receives the impress of individual thought, and, through this, of national thought, the stamp of each people is distinctly impressed upon its ceramic products; third, the baked clay is almost indestructible, while, at the same time, it is so fragile that fragments remain in plenty on every site occupied by the pottery makers; fourth, vessels are less than all other articles fitted for and subject to transpor- tation, being the most sedentary, so to speak, of all minor artifacts. It follows that, so far as objects of art are capable of so doing, they serve, as has been said, to mark their maker's habitat and indicate his movements. 18 I HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN POTTERY 19 Still more fully pottery records the history of the decorative arts — the beginnings and progress of esthetic evolution. To a large extent, also, religious conceptions are embodied in it. Mythical bein!>-s are modeled and painted, and their strange symbols are introduced into the decorations. Every touch of the potter's hand, of the modeling tool, the stylus, and the brush becomes, through changes wrought in the plastic clay by the application of heat, an ineflfaceable record of man's thought and of woman's toil. These fictile products, broken and scattered broadcast o\er all habitable lands, are gathered and hoarded by the archeologist, and their adventitious records are deciphered with a fullness and clearness second only to that attained in the reading of written records. Notwithstanding the above-mentioned very decided advantages of the ceramic art over other arts as a record of prehistoric peoples, its shortcomings in this direction are apparent at a glance. The student is embarrassed by the parallelisms that necessarily exist between the arts of widely separated peoples of like grade of culture and like environment. Even the discriminating investigator may be misled in his efforts to use these relics in the tracing of peoples. Other classes of confusing agencies are interchanges by trade, multiple occupation of sites, adoption of pottery-making captives, and the amalgamation of communities; by all of these means works of distinct families of people may in cases be thrown into such close association as to make ethnic determinations difficult and uncertain. The danger of making erroneous use of prehistoric works of art in the identification of peoples is especially great where the number of available relics is limited, as is very often the case in archeologic col- lections. Conclusions of importance respecting a given people may in this way be based on evidence afforded by intrusive products or on exceptional conditions or phenomena — conclusions difficult to contro- vert and increasingly difficult to correct as the years pass by. Aboriginal American Pottery It is hardly possible to find within the whole range of products of human handicraft a more attractive field of investigation than that offered by aboriginal American ceramics, and probably no one that affords such excellent opportunities for the study of early stages in the evolution of art and especially of the esthetic in art. The early ware of Mediterranean countries has a widev interest m many ways, but it does not cover the same ground. It represents mainlj- the stages of culture rising above the level of the wheel, of pictorial art, and of writing, while American pottery is entirely below this level, and thus illustrates the substratum out of which the higher phases spring. But it should be noted that not merely the beginnings of the story are represented in the native work. The culture range covered 20 ABORIGINAI, POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.a.vn.20 is quite wide, and opportunities of tracing progress upward to the very verge of civilization are afforded. Between the groups of products belonging to the inferior tribes scattered over the continent from Point Barrow to Terra del Fuego, and those representing the advanced cultures of Central America and Peru, there is a long vista of progress. Near the upper limit of achievement is the pottery of Mexico, comprising a wonderful cluster of well-marked groups. Some of the highest examples of the ceramic art are found in or near the vallej' of Mexico, and a number of striking vases of this region, pre- served in the Mexican National Museum, ma}^ be regarded as master- pieces of American fictile art. Central and South America furnish a series of superb groups of earthenware, among which are those of Guatemala, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Chiriqui, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, Brazil, and Argentina, each disputing with Mexico the palm of merit. Following these in order are various groups of ware whose remains are assembled about the margins of the greater culture centers or dis- tributed widely over remoter districts. The work of the Pueblo tribes in Arizona and New Mexico, all things considered, stands first within the area of the United States; closely approaching this, however, is the attractive ware of the Mississippi valley and the Gulf coast. Below this and at the base of the series is the simple pottery of the hunter tribes of the North. Numerous tribes have continued to practice the art down to the present time, some employing their original methods and producing results but little modified by the lapse of centuries, while others, coming more directly under the influence of the whites, have modified their work so that it no longer has anj' particular value to the ethnologist devoted to aboriginal studies. The Pueblo country furnishes the best example of survival of old methods and old ideals. Here numerous tribes are found practicing the art successfully, producing vases and other articles quite equal in many respects to the ancient product. The study of the present practices is highly instructive, and the arche- ologist may begin his study of the ancient pottery of America with a prettj' definite knowledge of the technical and functional status of the art, as well as a clear conception of the manner in which it embodies the symbolic and esthetic notions of a people. Pottery of the Eastern United States geographic grouping In the eastern United States the study of the potter's art is essen- tially an archeologic study, although something may be learned by a visit to the Catawba and Cherokee tribes of North and South Carolina, and accounts published by those who have witnessed the practice of ""I-ME8] GROUPS OF POTTKRY 21 tho (irt in past generations, although meager enough, are not appealed to in vain, as will be anipl\' shown in subsequent sections of this paper. The first requisite on taking up the study of a field so extensive and varied is a means of classifying the phenomena. We soon observe that the pottery of one section differs from that of another in material, form, color, and decoration, and that groups may be defined each probably representing a limited group of peoples, but more conven- iently treated as the product of a more or less well-marked specializa- tion area. By the aid of this grouping it is easy to proceed with the examination of the ware, and a reasonably clear idea of the art of the regions and of the whole field may readily be gained. First in importance among the groups of ware is that called in former papers the Middle Mississippi Valley group. Geographically this group presents some interesting features, which will be considered in detail later. The margins of the area it occupies are not well defined, and occasionally pieces of the ware are found far outside its ordinary habitat and associated with strangers. This area has a central posi- tion in the Mississippi valley, and other varieties of pottery lie to the north, east, and south, with overlapping and often indefinite out- lines. On the north is the area characterized by ware to which I have for convenience given the name Upper Mississippi or North- western group. In the Ohio valley we have varieties of ware to which local names may be attached. The New York or Iroquoian pottery occupies the states of New York and Pennsylvania, extending in places into other states and into Canada. We have Atlantic Algon(iuian ware, South Appalachian ware, and several groups of Gulf Coast ware. Many of these groups are so clearly differentiated as to make their separate study easy. Within the limits, however, of their areas are numerous subgroups which do not possess such strong individu- ality and such clear geographic definition as the larger ones, but which may well be studied separately and may in time be found to have an ethnic importance quite equal to that of the better-defined groups of ware. Although they are confined to such definite geographic areas we are not at all sure, as has been pointed out. that these groups of ware will be found to have any intelligible, correspondence with the stocks of people that have at, one time or another occupied the region, for varieties of art phenomena are often regional rather than ethnic. Besides, many important groups of people have not left great accumulations of art products, and great groups of products may have been left by comparatively insignificant conununities. Sep- arate groups of people may have practiced nearly identical arts, and por- tions of a single people may have practiced very different arts. In view of these and other uncertainties hampering the correlation of archeologic data with peoples, we can not do better than at first 22 ABOKIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 study the ancient ware by itself, and afterward proceed in such special case as may offei' encouragement in that direction to connect the art with the peoples, adding such evidence as may be thus secured to our knowledge of the history of families and tribes. Up to the present time there has been a very imperfect understand- ing of the character and scope of the fictile products of the whole region east of the Rocky mountains. Some writers have regarded everything indiscriminately as simple, rude, and of little importance; others, going to the opposite extreme, have found marked variations with impassible gulfs between the higher and lower forms — gulfs cor- responding to the wide distinctions supposed ))y some eai'ly writers to exist between the cultures of the so-called mound-builder and the com- mon Indian. Notwithstanding the fact that the ware of eastern North America is easil}^ separable into groups, some of which differ widely from others, when we assume a broader point of view all varieties are seen to be members of one great family, the points of correspondence being so marked and numerous that the differences hj means of which we dis- tinguish the groups sink into comparative insignificance. A wide range of accomplishment is apparent, and strong evidences of indi- viduality are discov^ered in the different groups, but these differences are probably far in excess of the differences existing in the culture status of the peoples concerned in their production. This fact is apparent when we observe the relative condition of progress among the tribes of to-day. It is seen that the arts are not sj^mmetrically and equally developed; the inferior ware of one locality does not indicate that the people of that localit}^ were inferior in culture, for the reverse may be the case, but it may signify that the conditions of life were such that the potter's art was uncalled for, or imperfectly practiced, while other arts took the lead and were highly perfected. The cul- ture status of a given people must be determined by a consideration of the sum of the planes of all the arts and not by the plane of any one art. It has often been remarked that the pottery of the North is rude as compared with that of the South, but in Florida and on the Gulf coast pottery is now and then found which is quite as low in the scale as any- thing about the borders of the Great lakes, and occasional specimens from New York, Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin fairly rival in all essential features the best products of the southern states. Condi- tions governing the practice of the art were, however, on the whole, decidedly more favorable in the South, and here it has been practiced more fully and more constantly than in the North. Climatic conditions, degree of sedentation, nature of food supply, and availability of material have each a marked influence on the con- dition of the arts. The art that flourishes on the Gulf coast with a HOLMES] DISTRIBUTION OF POTTERY 23 prosperous sedentary people may be undeveloped or entirely neg- lected bj' a people wandering from place to place in the barren, icy regions of the North; yet, could we for a generation exchange the environments of these peoples, the potter's art would still be found practiced and flourishing in the more salubrious climate and neglected and disused in the rigorous one. QUANTATIVE DISTRIBUTION Earthenware relics are veiy generally distributed over the country, but the distribution is far from uniform. Wherever pottery-making tribes dwelt, wherever they wandered, camped, sought water, collected food, conducted ceremonies, or buried their dead, there we find the relics of this art. Usuallj', no doubt, localities and regions occupied by prosperous sedentarj^ peoples are marked by greater accumula- tions of such remains. The native tribes, no matter whence they came, distributed themselves along the great waterways, and the more favorable spots along such rivers as the Ohio, the Tennessee, the Mississippi, and the Red river possess almost inexhaustible supplies of ancient ware. A broad region, including the confluences of the great streams of the Mississippi s\'stem, the Missouri, the Ohio, the Tennessee, the Cumberland, and the Arkansas, seems to be the richest of all, yet there are less-extended areas in other sections almost equally rich. The observation has been made that an arid environment encour- ages the vessel-making arts, but here we have a region abounding in moisture which is richer than any other section in its supply of clay vessels. MANNER OF OCCURRENCE Since pottery was made very largely for use in the domestic arts, its remains are everywhere associated with household refuse, and are found on all village, house, camp, and food-producing sites occupied by pottery-making peoples. It is plentiful in the great shell heaps and shell mounds along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, and abounds in and around saline springs where salt was procured. Found under such conditions it is usually fragmentary, and to the superficial observer gives a very imperfect idea of the nature and scope of the art, but to the experienced student it affords a very satisfactory record. Nearly all peoples have at some period of their history adopted the practice of burying articles of use or value with their dead, and the aborigines of this country were no exception. It is to this mortuary usage that we owe the preservation of so many entire examples of fragile utensils of clay. They are exhumed from burial mounds in great numbers, and to an equal extent, in some regions, from common cemeteries and simple, unmarked graves. The relation of various 24 ABOEIGINAL POTTEBY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth. a.nx. ^o articles of pottery to the human remains with which they were asso- ciated in burial seems to have been quite varied. It is probable that the position of the vessel was to a certain extent determined by its office; it may have contained food or drink for the dead, personal articles of value, or offerings to deities to be propitiated, and custom or fancy dictated the position it should occupy ; but it appears that in many cases the articles were cast in without regard to relative position or order. CHRONOLOGY Anthropologists are well agreed that pottery making is not one of the earliest arts practiced bj^ primitive man. Its beginnings probably mark in a general way the step from savagery to the lower stages of barbarism, as defined by Morgan. If the average aborigines of the eastern half of the United States be regarded as occupying, at the time of European colonization, the middle status of barbarism, it would seem that the practice of the art was not new, having probably extended through all of the first stage of barbarism. It is not possible, however, to arrive at any idea of the equivalent of this range of prog- ress in years. From the depth of certain accumulations, from the succession of strata, and from the great mass of the structures in which fictile remains are found in some sections, we are led to believe that many centuries have passed since the discovery or introduction of the art; but that it was still comparatively young in some of the eastern and northern sections of the United States is strongly sug- gested, first, by the scarcity of sherds, and second, by a comparison of its functional scope with that of the ceramic art of the more advanced nations of Mexico and Central America, among whom it filled a mul- titude of important offices. With many of our nomadic and semi- sedentary tribes it had not passed beyond the simplest stage of mere vessel making, the only form emploj-ed being a wide-mouthed pot. It may be questioned, however, whether degree of simplicity is a valuable index of age. It is possible that in a region where condi- tions are unfavorable the art could be practiced a thousand j^ears without material change, while in a more favored environment it might, in the same period and with a people of no greater native abil- ity, rise through a succession of stages to a high degree of perfection. FUNCTIONAL GROUPING Classification ok Use The uses to which the earthenware of the aborigines was applied were numerous and important; they may be classed roughly as domes- tic, industrial, sacerdotal, ornamental, and trivial or diversional. To the first class belong vessels for containing, cooking, boiling (as in sugar and salt making), eating, drinking, etc.; to the second class USES OF POTTERY 25 belong various imjilenients used in the arts, as trowels and modeling tools: to the third classs belong vessels and other articles used in funeral rites, as burial urns and offerings; as personal oraanients there are beads, pendants, and ear and lip plugs; and for trivial and diversional uses there are toy vessels, figurines, and gaming articles. Most of the objects may serve a number of uses, as, for example, a single vessel may, with a simple people, answer for culinary, for religious, and for mortuary puiposes, and tobacco pipes may have ceremonial as well as medical and diversional uses. Although the esthetic idea was considerably developed among all classes of our aborigines, and much attention was paid to embellish- ment, it is not probable that any vessel was manufactured for purely ornamental purposes. Neither can it be shown that in the area cov- ered by the present study earthenware served, as do our terra cottas, for portraiture or for records of any description. Pottery was probably first used in connection with the employment of fire in culinary work — in heating water and in cooking food — and there is no doubt that the cooking, the storing, and the transporting of food and drink.remained everywhere the most important of its func- tions. Differentiation of Use The differentiation of use, which must have taken place gradually, probably began by the setting aside or the manufacture of certain vessels for special departments of domestic work. Afterward, when vessels came to be used in ceremonies — religious, medical, or mortu- ary — certain forms were made for or assigned to special rites. The vessel that served in one office was not considered appropriate for another, and one that was sacred to one deitj^ and had decorations symbolizing his attributes was not considered acceptable to another. We do not know to what extent special shapes were made for different sacerdotal uses by our eastern aborigines, but it is safe to say that this class of specialization had made decided headway in the west and south. Differentiation in the functions of vessels was probably to some extent of preceramic development, since art in clay sprang into exist- ence long after other arts had been well perfected, and pottery naturallj' fell heir to duties previously performed by vessels of bark, wicker, shell, fruit shells, horn, stone, or other more archaic recep- tacles for boiling, serving, containing, and transporting. Vessels for Culinary and Other Domestic Uses Primitive earthen vessels have usually a round or somewhat conical base, which suggests the manner of their use. Among savage races hard, level floors were the exception, while floors of sand or soft earth were the rule, and under such conditions a round or conical base would be most convenient. The pot in cooking was generally set directly on 26 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 the fire, and was kept in position by tlic fuel or other supports placed about its sides. This is illustrated in plate ii, a copy of the origi- nal of plate XV of Hariot's New Found Land of Virginia, now pre- Pio. 1 — Indian women nsing earthen ve^^sei- in in.ikiTiu' eassine. Frmn Lalitaii. .1. F.. .Moeurs des sauvages araeriquainis. vol. ii. plate v, tigure 1. served in the British Museum, London. A curious specimen of early colonial illustration, depicting a number of women preparing a cere- monial drink called cassine in earthen vessels, is reproduced from Lafitau in figure 1. Boiling by means of heated stones cast into the ■»'S^^:r./^': ^ hj >~ V z o a. z UJ X H < LD UJ X H UJ CO ID I O K holmes] USES OF POTTERY 27 vessel may have been practiced for some time after the introduction of potterj' as a survival of the preceramic usage, and was probably resorted to on occasion by many primitive peoples. In cases, probablj*, the earthen vessel was suspended over the fire by means of poles, vines, and cords, as shown in figure 2, from School- craft's Indian Tribes. This method of suspension is made possible by the attachment of strong ears or handles, by eccentric modeling of the rim — such as accentuated incurving or outcurving — or by perfora- tion of the upper nnirgin. As a rule, however, the vessels show no indications of this kind of use, and the form is seldom such as to war- rant the conclusion that suspension was intended. But a small percent- FiG. 2— Suspension of the vessel Irom a tripod. From Schoolcraft, H. R., Historical and statistical information respecting the . . . Indian tribes of the United States, part 1, plate xxii. age of prehistoric vessels recovered in the complete state show indica- tions of use over fire. This is accounted for b^^ the fact that entire vessels are mostly obtained from graves and were mortuary rather than culinary utensils. The broken ware obtained from refuse heaps and habitation sites is the debris of cooking, eating, and drinking utensils, and of vessels for carrying and storing, and this very often shows indications of use over fire. Salt-making Vessels The evaporation of saline waters for the purpose of obtaining salt was carried on by the natives in several favorable localities in the Mississippi valley. It is probable that the waters were evaporated by 28 ABORIGINAL I'OTTEKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 means of heat applied to the vessel in the usual manner, but it is also held by good authorities that the work was sometimes conducted by means of exposure simplj^ to the rays of the sun. A somewhat remarkable class of earthenware vessels, the remnants of which are found at several points in the Mississippi valley, is believed to have been employed in the manufacture of salt. The localities are scattered over a large area extending as far east as Knox- ville, Tennessee, and as far west as White river in north-central Arkansas and southern Missouri. The distinguishing characteristics of the vessels are their large size, their vat-like shape (see plate ma), the great thickness of their walls, and their peculiar surface finish {b, c), which consists largely of impressions of coarse, open-mesh textile fabrics. They are found in most cases in or near the vicinity of saline springs. Perhaps the best known locality is on Saline river, near Shaw- neetown, Illinois. It is not improbable that similar springs formerly existed at points now marked by the occurrence of this remarkable ware, where no salines now exist. It is definitely stated by the Knight of Elvas that the Indians of the Mississippi valley manufac- tured salt. He informs us that — The salt is made along by a river, which when the water goes down leaves it upon the sand. As they can not gather the salt without a large mixture of sand, it is thrown together into certain basketa they have for the purpose, made large at the mouth and small at the bottom. These are set in the air on a ridgepole and, water being thrown on, vessels are placed under them wherein it may fall; then, being strained and placed on the fire, it is boiled away, leaving salt at the bottom." In another place it is stated that — They passed through a small town where was a lake and the Indians made salt; the Christians made some on the day they rested there from water that rose nearby from springs in pools. * The above locations must both have been in Arkan.sas and not far from Hot Sprmgs. Typical specimens of this ware are found in the suburbs of Nashville, Tennessee; at Shawneetown, Illinois; near Vincennes, Knox county, Indiana; in Knox county, Tennessee; in Alexander and Union coun- ties, Illmois; atKimmswick, near St Louis, Missouri; at Ste Genevieve, Missouri; at one or more points in Ohio; and probably, as is indicated by Schoolcraft, on White nver above Batesville, Arkansas. School- craft says that — It is common, in digging at these salt mines, to find fragments of antique pottery, and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the surface. One of these pots which was, until a very recent period, preserved by a gentleman at ShawneetowUj was diamterred at the depth of 80 feet, and was of a capacity to contam 8 or 10 gallons. Others have been found at even greater depths, and of greater dimensions. We will not venture to state the surprising capacities of several "Smith, Thomas Buckingham, Narratives of the career of Hernando de'Soto, as told by a knight of Elvas, and m a relation by I.. Hernandez de Bledma. New York, 1866, p 124, ''Same work, p. 153, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. a, USUAL FORM OF LARGE SALT VESSELS OR VATS i, FRAGMENT OF LARGE SALT VESSEL, SHOWING CORD IMPRESSIONS C, FRAGMENTS OF SALT VESSEL FROM "SULPHUR SPRING," NASHVILLE, TENNESSEE (THRUSTON COLLECTION, DIAMETER ABOUT 31 INCHES, HEIGHT 12 INCHES) EARTHEN VESSELS USED IN SALT MAKING MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP or THE UNIV£!^SITY or HOLMES) SALT-MAKING VESSELS 29 of these antique vessels that were described to us, lest, not having seen them, there may be some error in the statements, which were, however, made in the fullest con- fidence. The composition and general appearance of this fossil pottery can not be distinguished from those fragments of earthenware which are disclosed by the mounds of the oldest period, so common in this quarter, and evince the game rude state of the arts. In all this species of pottery which we have examined there is a considerable admixture of silex in the form of pounded quartz, or sand, in compar- atively coarse grains; which, as is very well known, has a tendency to lessen the shrinkage of the clay, to prevent cracks and flaws in drying, and to enable the mass to sustain the sudden application of heat without liability to burst. The whole art of making chemical crucibles, as well aa those employed in a large way in several manufactures where great heats are necessary, is founded on this principle." Brackenridge states that — The saline below Ste Genevieve, cleaned out some time ago and deepened, was found to contain wagonloads of earthenware, some fragments bespeaking vessels as large as a barrel, and proving that the salines had been worked before they were known to the whites. * In 1901 I visited a village site near Kimmswick, Missouri, where salt had been made by the aborigines from local saline springs. The vicinity of the springs was plentifully supplied with the coarse, net- marked sherds, and many pieces were scattered over the neighboring village site. Specimens restored from the fragments, and now pre- served in museums in Kimmswick and St Louis, are shallow bowls, r from 20 to 30 inches in diameter. Some specimens are quite plainTA A good example of this class is illustrated in plate x. The great depth at which the ware is sometimes found is recorded by Mr George Escoll Sellers, who has had ample opportunity for per- sonal observation of the Illinois salines. The bed rock in one of the saline river springs worked by the whites is 42 feet below the surface, and pottery was found at this depth by the workmen who sunk the well. Mr Sellers's views are expressed in the following paragraph : This, to me, is conclusive evidence that, whoever the people were who left the masses of broken pottery as proof of their having used the salt waters, they resorted to precisely the same means as did their more civilized successors of our time— that is, sinking wells or reservoirs to collect the brine; and the dipper-jug which had been dropped had sunk to the bottom, showing that their reservoirs were down to the rock. <• That the aboriginal peoples should have excavated to so great a depth seems almost incredible. Even if there were good reason for such a work native appliances would hardly have been equal to the task of constructing the neces-sary walls of stone or casing of wood. It is more probable that the spring channels were naturally of dimen- sions permitting the vessels to sink gradually to these great depths. aSchoolcraft, H. R., Travels in the central portions of tlie Mis.sissippi valley, New York, 1826, p. 202 l> Brackenridge, H. M., Views of Louisiana, Pittsburg, 1814, p. 186. ■^Sellers, George Escoll, Aboriginal pottery of the salt springs. Illinois, in Popular Science Monthly vol. XI, New York, 18T7, p. 576. 30 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OK EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 Mr Sellers discovered a village or camp site in proximity to one of these springs, and his observations with respect to it are as follows: I found the most abundant remains of pottery, not only represented by fragments of the large, coarse salt pans, but by many pieces of small vessels of much finer tex- ture and of superior workmanship, such as would be used for domestic purposes. From these and large quantities of chippings and offal I inferred that this was the site of the old settlement. The broken pottery, the black soil, the waste from long occupancy extending a considerable distance both east and west of the springs, and to the foot of the bluffs on the south, covering an area of about 30 acres, were con- firmatory of this view." A burial lAace was found on a terrace at no great distance. Some of the stone cists were paved with fragments of the "great saltpans," but these were much decayed. This, Mr Sellers believes, conclusively couples the tenants of these ancient graves with the makers and the users of the salt pans. In regard to the manufacture of these remarkable vessels it appears that Mr Sellers's observations and theories are in the main correct. That baskets were not used is apparent on the most casual examina- tion. The manner of using the fabrics with which the ware is marked is discussed in the present paper under the head Manufacture. Mr Sellers's identification of the factory is also well supported, and there is nothing improbable in the theory of the use of clay molds or cores to model on, though there is little corroborative evidence on this point. A remarkable example of this pottery recently found in the suburbs of Nashville, Tennessee, is now in the collection of General Gates P. Thruston, of Nashville. It is a flat-bottomed basin about 31 inches in diameter and 12 inches deep; the walls are nearly an inch in thickness and the surface has the characteristic fabric impressions (see plate iii c). A large fragment of this vase is illustrated in his work on the Antiqui- ties of Tennessee, plate x, and the following paragraph relating to it is quoted therefrom: The large vessel was found within a few yards of the "Sulphur Spring," or the old "French Lick," at Nashville, in excavating for the foundations of the new spring- house. This sulphur and salt spring was doubtless the central feature of a populous aboriginal settlement for centuries. Extensive burial grounds were found on both sides of the "Lick Branch," and many fine implements and specimens of earthen- ware have been obtained there. '' In the discussion of stone graves in the vicinity of Nashville, Tennes- see, Mr R. S. Robertson makes the following remarks in regard to fragments of salt vessels: These graves are found everywhere about Nashville and within the city limits. On the ridges close to the Sulphur Spring the stones inclosing such graves may be seen protruding from the ground, where the earth above has weathered oft. Fragments of pottery abound, some of the common sort, and others very thick — about one-half 1 Sellers, Aboriginal pottery of the salt springs, pp. 576-.i77. ''Thruston, Gates P., The antiquities of Tennessee, Cincinnati, 1890, pp. 167-168. HOLMESJ SUGAR-MAKING VESSELS 31 to tliree-fourtht! inch — cDiuiioscd of a ^rrayisli clay, with large iVaKiuents of Hhells. The vessels of which they were part must have l>een very large. Trailitif)nally, they are believed to have lieeu used in evaporating salt from the spring. A brief search resulted in finding ninnerous specimens on the surface and protruding from the sides of the ridges near the surface. It is said that the saline pro{>erties of the spring were more noticeable l)efore the deep Iwjre was made which ])roduced the sulphur water, which is so much patronized." We liii\e from East Teimcsssfe, in Knox county, .specimens of tliis ware identical with that from NasliviHe and other more western locali- ties. Although this potttuy is not c()rrelat«>d with any particular salt lick or spring, we may fairly assume that it wiis employed in making salt, since there are salt .springs in the vicinity. Referring to explorations of Mr William MeAdams, of Alton, the Alton, Illinois. Telegraph speaks of salt springs on Saline creek, Cooper county, Missouri, in the following words: These springs were also a great resort of the al)origines and mound-builders, and the ground about the oozing brine, to the depth of 3 or 4 feet, is tilled with the remains of the jjeculiar earthen vessels used by the mound-builders in salt making. In the woods about, for the whole vicinity is covered with a forest, are many mounds and earthworks. From one small mound two of the earthen salt kettles were obtained. They were shaped like shallow pans, an inch and a half in thickness and near 4 feet across the rim. '' Another site noted for the occurrence of this peculiar earthenware is located in St Loui.s count}-, Missouri, near the village of Fenton. Here there are springs, both sulphur and salt. This site has been visited by Mr O. W. Collett, of St Louis, who gives an account of it in the Kansas (^ity Review, vol. iv, p. 104. The following statement made by Du Pratz is sufficiently definite on the question of native salt making: About 30 leagues up the Black river on the left side, there is a stream of salt water flowing from the west; about 2 leagues up this stream is a lake of salt water which .s nearly 2 leagues in length by 1 in width; 1 league farther up toward the north another lake of salt water is discovered, almost as long and broad as the first. This water passes without doubt through some salt mines; it has the taste of salt without the bitterness of sea water. The natives come from a long distance to this place to himt in winter and to make salt. Before the French ha> Dr Lj'man C. Draper makes the following statement, which suffi- ciently indicates the nature of the sugar-making industry in recent times: From twenty-five to thirty years ago, when I resided at Lockport, in western New York, I well rememter that large quantities of stirred maple sugar were brought into the country, made by the Indians in the Mackinaw region, and put up in small bark boxes, containing from one to several pounds each. <' Sugar is still made by a number of tribes, but earthen vessels have probably not been used in its manufacture for manj' years. Spindle Whorls, op Clay The state of culture of the eastern tribes had not j^et led to the gen- eral employment of many earthenware articles beyond the mere vessel for cooking and containing. The clay effigies so common in some sections were generally vessels shaped exteriorly to resemble animal forms, exceptions being noted especially in Florida, where various mortuary figures having no practical function were manufactured. Spindle whorls appear to have been used to a limited extent in the South, and in Adair's time clay was u.sed for weighting the spindle. Speaking of the use of wild hemp, that author remarks that — The old women spin it off the distaffs with wooden machines having some clay on the middle of them to hasten the motion.'' As found on ancient sites, however, there is difficulty in distinguish- ing such articles from beads, gaming disks, or other perforated bits of clay, and I have discovered few examples of fully authenticated spindle whorls within the area here considered. oLafltau, Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, vol. ii; Explication des planchea et des figures, planche vii. b Hunter, John D., Memoirs of a captivity among the Indians. London, 1823, p. 290. (^Draper, Lyman C, in Grignon, Augustln, Recollections; Third Annual Report and Collections of the Wi-sconsin Historical Society, Madi-son, 1857, p. 25.5. dAdair, James. History of the American Indians, London, 1775, p. 422. 20 ETH— 03 3 34 ABOBIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 Musical Instruments of Eakthenwabk Many early writers mention the use of earthern vessels for drums. Parchment or buckskin was stretched over the mouths of large pots, and this, beaten with sticks, furnished the music for dances and cere- monies and noise for the gratification of savage taste. In Central America and apparently, also, in Florida special forms were modeled for this purpose, the rim being shaped for the convenient attachment of the skin head. Joutel, speaking of the southern Indians, states that on burial occa- sions the — dancers take care to tie calabashes or gourds about their bodies, with some Indian wheat in them, to rattle and make a noise, and some of them have a drum, made of a great earthen pot, on which they extend a wild goat's skin, and beat thereon with one stick, like our tabors." Fig. 4 — Use of eartlien vessel as a drum (Potherie). Potherie has bequeathed us an illustration of an Indian beating a potterj' drum (see figure -t) — drawn from description, no doubt, but interesting as a record of facts or statements not embodied, so far as has been noted, in the text of his work.* Lafitau mentions the use of earthenware drums by the Iroquois; and Butel-Dumont makes the following statement, reference being had to the Louisiana Indians: The next day at dawn all this troop sets out on the march, having at its head the cleverest among them, who carries the calumet, and as they approach the village all begin to sing and dance. One of them carries in the left hand an earthen pot covered with a dressed deerskin stretched tightly over it and fastened to it by a cord, and with a single drumstick in his right hand he beats the time on this pot, which serves oJouteVs Journal of La Salle's last voyage, in French, B. F., Historical collections of Louisiana, pt. 1, New York, 1846, pp. 187-188. 6 Potherie, Bacqueville de la, Histoire de I'Am^rique septentrionale, Paris, 1753, vol. i, plate opp. p. 17. holmes] IMPLEMENTS OF EARTHENWARE 35 as a drum; all respond by cries, which they utter in time; some tarry Chichicouaa or empty gourds, in which are placed glass beads or little jjebbles to make a noise, and they shake them in time with the rest." Lawson mentions the use of an earthen porridge pot with deerskin head as a drum by Indians of Carolina. Were it considered necessary, many other references could be made to the use of earthenware drums. Whistles and i-attles of baked clay are very common in Mexico, and in Central and South America; but few examples, so far as the writer has learned, have been dis- covered in the mound region. General Thru.ston. in his valuable work on the "Antiquities of Ten- nessee," illustrates an earthenware rattle and the pellets of clay used in it (see figure 5). A few vases have been found having hollow legs or attached animal features, in which pellets were placed so that when used on festive or ceremonial occasions they would serve as rattles as well as receptacles. Various Implements of Eartbenwabe Trowel-like objects of baked clay are occasionally found in the cen- tral districts of the Mississippi valley, and illustrations are given in figure 6 a, and also in a subsequent section. The body is discoidal in shape, and an arched loop or a ridge springing from one side serves as a handle. The other side, which is the working surface, is slightly convex, never flat, and generally shows considerable polish. These objects resemble in a general way our ordinary smoothing or "flat" Fio. 5— Earthenware nittk'. with clay pellets (Thruston). Fig. 6 — Earthenware trowels and modeling tools. iron for laundry work. General Thruston found excellent examples of these implements in graves near Nashville, Tennessee, and he is convinced they Avere trowels used in plastering and smoothing walls and floors of houses. A similar implement having, instead of a loop handle, an upright stem from 1 to 6 inches in length and 1 inch or more in diameter occurs very generally over the middle Mississippi region (see figure 6 J, c). The upper end of the handle is sometimes enlarged a little or simply rounded off, and again it is divided into two o But«l-Dumont, George Marie, MiSmoircs siir la Louisiane, Paris, 17.W, vol. i, pp. 192-3. 36 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.an.n.20 Fig. 7— Probable manner of using earthenware model- ing tools: 6 as an interior support, c as a modeling or decorating paddle, rf as a polishing implement. or three lobes or prongs. When placed stx-ni downward the.se imple- ments very closely resemble an ordinary form of toadstool. Thej' have been regarded by some as stoppers for Ijottles, but this was certainly not their normal use, and General Thrustoh is probablj^ right in classing them as modeling tools for pottery making. The convex surface is smooth, often retaining the peculiar polish that comes from long u.se. The form is exactly suited to use in supporting the wall of the .semiplastic vase C/ from within while the manipu- lation of the outer surface is going on with paddles or other modeling or decorating tools (.see figure 7). It is true that all forms of these objects may have been used in rubbing sur- faces under manipulation or in pulverizing substances in mor- tars, taking the place of mullers or pestles of wood and stone, and this was the view of Dr Jo- seph Jones with respect to the loop-handled variety. When a number of these objects of both forms are placed together, with the polished convex surface to the front, all are seen to be identical in appearance, .save that a few of the loop-handled variety are oval in outline (see plate xxxvi). BaKED-CLAY OfFERIN(; EECEPTACLE.-i Another not uncommon use of baked cla}^ was in the construction of sacrificial basins or altars. Dr Joseph Jones in the following para- graph describes the use of a large shallow receptacle not differing materially from the salt pans already described: In the center of the mound, about 3 feet from ita surface, 1 uncovered a large sacrificial vase or altar, 4.3 inches in diameter, composed of a mixture of clay and river shells. The rim of the vase was 3 inches in height. The entire vessel had been molded in a large wicker basket formed of split canes and the leaves of the cane, the impressions of which were plainly visible upon the outer surface. The cir- cle of the vase appeared to be almost mathematically correct. The surface of the altar was covered with a layer of ashes about 1 inch in thickness, and these ashes had the appearance and composition of having been derived from the liurning of animal matter. The antlers and jawbone of a deer were found resting upon the sur- face of the altar. The edges of the vase, which had been broken off apparently by an accident during the performance of the religious ceremonies, were carefully laid over the layer of ashes, and the whole covered with earth near 3 feet in thickness, and thus the ashes had been preserved to a remarkable extent from the action of the rains. « "Jones, Joseph, The almriginal mound-builders of Tennessee, in American Naturalist, Salem, 1869, vol, in, p. 68. EARTHKNWARE USED IN BURIAL 37 The altars found in the mounds of the Ohio valley are usuallj- large shallow basins built in place by applying clay to a basin-like depres- sion in the ground and smoothing the surface roughly with the hands or trowels. The altar tires baked the clay, giving it the consistency of earthenware. Cement and Plabtek Native clays and earths were extensively used in the construction of numerous classes of fixed works, and it is found that various mix- FiG. 8— Use of clay in plastering house wall of interlaced canes, Arkansas. From Thomas, 12th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, figure lis. tures — cement-like combinations of clay, sand, gravel, etc. — were em- ployed to add to the firmness of these constructions. In the middle and lower Mississippi valley provinces plastic clay was employed exten- sively in plastering the walls and roofs of houses of cane and other interlaced vegetal parts, and floors were laid in the same material (see figure 8). Earthenware Used in Burial To what extent earthen vessels were used as receptacles for the remains of the dead can not be satisfactorily determined. The whites, Fig. 9 — Rectangular burial casket of earthenware, Tennessee. Fig. 10 — Earthen ves.sel containingbones of children, Alabama (Moore). accustomed to the practice of burial of ashes in cinerary urns among eastern nations, were prone to discover traces of similar customs here, 38 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.M and perhaps made statements on insufficient evidence. It is true, how- ev<'r, tliat the dead were burned in many sections of the country, and that the ashes or rather, perhaps, the charred remnants of bones were placed in such receptacles as were at hand for burial. The burial of the disarticulated bones of the dead, especially of children, in earthen Fig. 11 — Earthen vessel inverted over a skull for protection, Georgia (Moore). Fig. 12 — Earthenware burial urn and bowl cover, Georgia. vessels, was quite common in the South Appalachian province and occurred occasionally, at least, in other regions. To what extent vessels were manufactured exclusively for mortuary purposes can not be determined, since no particular form seems to have been considered necessary. The larger boiling or containing pots, taken from the household supply, seem to have been satisfactory. Occasionall,y, how- FiG. 13 — Earthenware burial urn with cover, Georgia. Fig. 14— Earthemware burial urn with bowl cover and other vessels, Alabama (Moore). ever, receptacles appear to have been shaped for the purpose; the casket shown in figure 9 was of this class. It was obtained from a burial mound at Hale's point, Tennessee, and contained the bones of an infant. Figure 10 shows the top view of a burial vase from a mound in Wilcox county, Alabama, containing bones of infants. EARTHENWARE USED IN BURIAL 39 In very many cases earthen vessels, especially bowls, are found inverted over the skull of the deceased, as shown in ligure 11, and not infrequently large fragments of earthenware were placed over and around the head, pi-ob- ably as a pi'otection. The commonest form of pot burial is illustrated in figures 12, 13, 14, and 15. The remains wei'e crowded into the vessel and the bowl was fitted over or into the mouth of this receptacle. Perhaps the most general use of vases in burial was that of containing food, drink, and other offerings intended bj' friends of the de- parted to serve some mythical post-mortem purpose. That the deposition of these arti- cles with the dead had, however, become a mere form or symbol in manv cases is shown bv the fact that the vessels were often broken and Fig. 16 — Earthemware burial um with bowl cover, Alabama (Moore). Fig. 16— Mortuary vases Imitating the dead face, middle Mi.ssissippi valley. that fragments merely were sometimes used. In one section of the Mississippi valley we find small mortuary receptacles made to repre- Pio. 17— Toy-like vessels used as funeral offerings, Florida (Moore). 40 ABOKIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ktii.a.nn.20 sent the human face as it appears after death. So unusual i.s the shape that wo are justified in assuming that the vessels were made exclu- FiG. 18 — Toy-like funeral offerings Imitating vegetal forms, Florida (Moore). sively for mortuary use and consignment to the tomb. They are too small to have contained bones, and we can only surmise that they were intended to contain food, drink, or other kinds of offerings. An Fig. 19 — Toy-like funeral offerings imitating animal forms, Florida (Moore). example is shown in figure 16, and two excellent specimens appear in plate XLin. In some other regions, notably in Florida, mide imita- tions of vessels, hardly capable of bearing up their own weight, were made and cast into the grave (see figure 17). With these were also figurines made in the rudest way, representing many forms of animal and vegetal life, shown in figures 18 and 19." It is possible that these were offerings made after the man- ner of the ancient Egj'ptians, who placed images of slaves and various implements and utensils in the tomb, with the idea that they would in some way be of service to the dead in the future existence. The modeling of various life forms was extensively practiced by Fig. 20 — Toy-like figurine representing babe in cradle, Tennessee (Thruston). oMoorc, Clarence B., Certain sand mounds on the St Johns river, Florida, part i, in Journal of Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, ser. 2, vol. x, pt. 1, Phila., 1894. HOLMES] IMAGES IN EARTHENWARE 41 Fig. 21— Small Image of a turtle, Tennessee. the letters of somo .sections, but almost universally as elaborations and cinbellishnients of ves.sel.s, pipes, and other useful articles. Serious attempts at the modeling in clay of human or animal tigures for the figure's sake were apparently quite exceptional, although images in stone are common. Nearly all solid figures in clay so far ref)ort- ed have the character of toys or rude votive or mortuar}' offerings. The collections of Clarence B. Moore contain many specimens of such burial figurines from the mounds of Florida (see figure 19). General Thruston illustrates a small clay figure representing a babe in its cradle from a mound in Tennessee (figure 20); also the image of a turtle from the Noel cemetery near Na,shville (figure 21); and recently Dr Roland Steiner, of Grovetown, Georgia, has foi-warded to the Mu- seum a number of small figures of reddish terra cotta in which a variety of physiognomy and facial expres- sion appear (see figures 22 and 23). These figures have a more marked resemblance to Mexican work of the same class than any yet found within the territory of the United States. The flattening out of the head, as seen in profile, is especially note- worthy. The}' are f I'om the Etowah group of mounds in Bartow county, Georgia. Strangely enough, the most striking examples of this class of work yet found in the eastern United States are from a region where the ordinary wares are inferior and not very plentiful. I refer to some Fig. 22— Small earthenware flgrures suggest- ing ancient Mexican work, Georgia. Fig. 2S— Earthenware heads of Mexican type, Georgia. specimens of small figurines in clay obtained by Professor F. W. Putnam from a mound in southwestern Ohio. They appear to excel anj- similar work north of Mexico in the appreciation of form and 42 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES rETH.AXx.20 proportion shown by the makers, )>ut illustrations have not as yet been published. The occurrence of such unusual features of art as this and the flat- headed figurines mentioned above, adds force to the suggestion afforded by certain unique works in stone, copper, and shell found in the gen- eral region, that some of the early people had contact, more or less direct, with the advanced nations of Mexico. Pedsonal Ornaments of Earthenware Clay, colored by a variety of oxides and other substances, was exten- sively used for painting the person as well as various objects of art. but Fk;. 24 — Earthenware beads and pendants, varions localities. Fia. 25 — Ear pings of earthenware, middle and lower Mississippi valley. articles of baked clay were rarely utilized for ornament. Occasion- ally baked clay was employed for beads and pendants (see figure 24), aOLMES] EABTHENWARE DISKS AND SPOOLS 43 and for ear plugs and labrets (figures 25 and 26), in the same manner as were similar forms in stone andshell. but this use was not eommon, as the material was not sufficiently attractive in appearance to gratif\' the savage taste. Fig. -26 — Labrets of earthenware, middle and lower Mississippi valley. Eabthenwake Disks and Spoois From many sections of the country we have small earthenware disks, generally shaped from potshei'ds. and in some cases perforated. They average between 1 and 2 inches in diameter, and are in many cases very carefully rounded and finished. They are obtained from dwelling sites, and occasionally from graves. One theory as to their function is that they were used in playing games of skill or chance. The perforate varietj' may in cases have been used as spindle whorls, but recentW Mr Clarence B. Moore has found specimens so related to human remains in burial as to lead to the conclusion that they had served as cores for copper ear disks. Examples are presented in figure 27. Fkj. 27 — Pottery disks, probably used in playing some game. Among the imperfectly understood varieties of earthenware objects are some spool-like forms found in the Ohio valley. Illustrations of two specimens found near Maysville, Kentucky, appear in figure 28. The following notes regarding them are furnished me by Mr Gerard Fowke, of Chillicothe, Ohio: I have seen a few, probably 15 or 20, of these "spools," though I am at a loss to classify them. A few are drilled [longitudinally] through the center. The figures engraved represent, perhaps, the extremes of slendemess and thickness in propor- 44 ABORIGINAL POTTKRY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 tion to length. So far as my knowledge of them goes they are founil only in Lewis, Fleming, Mason (of which Maysville is the eounty seat), Nicholas, and Bracken counties, Kentucky, and Brown and Adams counties, Ohio — all these counties being contiguous. It is reported that one was found in Ross county and one in Scioto county, Ohio. While there is considerable variation in the incised lines, they all seem to be mod- ifications of the two systems in the specimens illustrated. Fig. 28— Spool-shaped articlesof clay, containing unusual designs in incised lines. From a photograph furnished by Thomas W. Kinney, Portsmouth, Ohio. E.\RTHENWARK ToB.\C(0 PiPES Pipes for smoking tobacco and other dried plants were generally made of vegetal .substances or of .stone, but in some sections clay was much used. Smoking as a matter of gustatory gratification was a widespread custom, and many accounts agree in making it an impor- tant feature in magic, religious ceremonials, coiuicils, and treaties. HOLMES] EARTHENWARE TOBACCO PIPES 45 There is probably no good reason to question tiie general belief that the pipe was in use in America on the arrival of Europeans. Speci- mens are found in such varied situations and. besides, the shapes are so highly dili'ei-entiated that any other conclusion must needs bo supported by strong evidence. The simplest form of the pipe is a straight tube, found only now and then in the East, but the prevailing form on the Pacific coast. In the northeastern states the fundamental shape is a nearly plain bent tube slighth^ enlarged at the bowl end, represented in the most elementary form by the pipes of the Chesa- peake province, and appearing in more elaljorate shapes in the Iroquoian region in Pennsylvania and New York. The short, wide- bowled, Ix'iit trumpet of the South Appalachian province is a local development of the same general type, and the clumsy, massive, bent tube of the Gulf and Middle Mississippi .states is a still more marked variant. The monitor and platform shapes of the Central states depart widely ivom the simple tube, and no end of curious modifications of form come from changes in the relative proportions and positions of Fig. 29 — Range in form of tobacco pipes. stem and bowl, and especially from the addition of plastic life fomis in almost infinite variet_y. A synopsis of the range of form from the straight tube to the platform with di.scoid bowl is given in figure 29. It is remarkable that the great Ohio Valley province and the Middle South, furnishing stone pipes of the highest grade, yield few and rude pipes of clay. Pipes were smoked with or without stems of other material. Illustrations and descriptions of tjpe specimens will be given as the various groups of ware to which they belong are pre- sented. A comprehensive work on American tobacco pipes has been published recently by the National Museum." . MATERIALS Clay Clay suited to the manufactui-e of the plain earthenware of the aborigines is widely' distributed over the country, and it is not likely that any extended region is without a plentiful supplj'. The claj' used was often impure, and in many cases was probably obtained from "McGuire, J. D., Pipes and smoking customs, Report of the United States National Museum, 1897. 46 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.20 recently deposited alluvial sediments. Clean days were, however, diligently sought and generally procured,- and in many cases they seem to have been cai-cfully prejmred by pulverizing, washing, and knead- ing, as was observed by Dumont and others. Finely prepared washes of clay were made for surface finish. Clay unmixed with any kind of tempering was sometimes used for modeling vessels, pipes, and some of the less important articles. The more advanced potters used paste having degrees of refinement suited to the nature of the object modeled. Utensils to be used over fire were tempered with coarser ingredients. Tempering Materials Great diversitj^ of tempering materials is observed. This diversity is due to the multiplicity of mineral products brought within the range of experiment. It is apparent that many materials were suited to the purpose. The choice of a single material, where manv abounded, must have been due to accident in the incipient stages of the art. It is not uncommon, however, to find several substances used in the work of a single community — or what appears to be such. The ingredients varied to some extent also with the uses to which the vessels were to be devoted. They include pulverized rocks and mineral substances of many kinds, powdered shells of mollusks, powdei'ed potsherds, and per- haps cinders, besides ashes of bark, sponge, and the like. Raw vegetal substances were also used, the fibrous parts being broken or pulverized. The advantages to be secured by the introduction of foreign par- ticles into the clay may be somewhat diverse. It is fair to assume that tempering was intended to impart some quality or property to the paste that the pure clay did not possess to the desired degree. In building vessels the clay may have been handled with greater facility through the introduction of sand, but this could not be true of the addition of coarse, sharp particles of shell or crystalline rock; their presence must really have added to the difiiculty of shaping and finish- ing the vessel. Tempering may have served a useful purpose during the drying and baking of the clay. It is well known that pure clay has a strong ten- dency to shrink and crack in drying, and it is readily seen that the particles of tempering material would in a measure counteract this tendency. The coarse particles would interfere with the progress of the parting movements; the undulations that separate finer particles with ease would produce no effect. The progress of a crack would be impeded, just as a fracture in a glass plate is stopped by boring a hole at the extremity of the flaw. It would thus appear that even cavities in the paste serve a useful purpose, and that sawdust and cut straw, even if reduced to ashes by firing, would have performed in a way the functions of tempering. In a fine-grained paste the flaw would, when HOLMES] TEMPERING MATERIALS 47 once started, continue through the wall of the vessel in a direct line •without interference. In the tempered paste it would, in avoiding the solid particles, or through interference of cavities take a situtous course or be led off in diverging directions. Again, anj- condition or ingredient that reduces the amount of con- traction resulting from drying out during the baking process must be advantageous. It may be possible for a body of clay to contract so evenly as to suffer no injury, yet. as a rule, there nmst be considerable unevenness of contraction, with consequent danger, and it would seem that the greater the contraction the greater the danger of disaster. Clay contracts through the evaporation of water held between the minute particles. The coarse particles of tempering may contain water, l)ut, being rigid, they do not contract on drying out. The amount of con- traction would thus be reduced in direct ratio with the increase of tem- pering material, and this would seem a most important consideration to the potter. It may be further surmised that the presence of foreign particles in the clay may serve some purpose in connection with the distribution of the heat in firing or in subsequent use over fire. The points reached by a given degree of heat in pure clay may be on or close to a particular line or plane and may thus give rise to distinctly localized strain, whereas the foreign particles may tend to conduct the heat unevenly and distribute the strain. In reference to the function of the tempering material during the subsequent use of the vessel, it might seem that the presence of large fragments of hard substances would weaken the wall of the vessel so that when in use it would readily be fractured by a strain or blow; but the particles arrange themselves so that strong points alternate with the weak ones in such a way as to increase strength rather than to reduce it. It appears further that the particles of tempering, espe- cially if coarse, must add greatly to the toughness of the paste during the use of the vessel, much as they do during the drying-out process, and it is not impossible for a flaw to extend entirely thi-ough and across a vessel, and still not seriously impair its strength, as the particles of tempering are so interlocked or dovetailed that separation can not readil}^ take place. It would appear, therefore, that the offices of the tempering ingredient are almost purely physical, and not chemical. In America the heat employed in tiring earthenware was not sufficient to seriously alter any of the mineral constituents. It rarely happened that the heat was sufficient to calcine the shell material with which the clay in many sections was filled. The favorite tempering materials were powdered shell and pulverized crystalline rock. Sand, the grains of which were rounded, and various other materials, so finely powdered as to be almost impalpable, were often employed. In the piedmont regions of North Carolina and 48 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.20 Virginia vessels ai'e found made of paste consisting of coarselj' pulver- ized steatite and barely enough clay to hold the particles together. Mica, iron pvrites. and other crystalline substances were niiich used in some sections. It is not uncommon to see examples in which the paste con- tains 75 or 80 per cent of the tempering ingredients. The use of powdered shell was very genei-al. It is not known that any particular variety- of shell was preferred. The shells were pulver- ized in mortars or by means of such devices as were at hand. Du Pratz observed their use in early times. He remarks that — Near the Nactc-hitochea are found banks of shells ["Coquilles de Palourdes"] such as those which form the shell island. This neighboring nation says that ancient tra- dition teaches them that the sea was formerly extended to this spot; the women of this nation come here to gather them [the shells] ; they make a powder of them and mix it with the earth of which they make their pottery, which is considered the best. However, I would not advise the indiscriminate use of those shells for this purpose, because by nature they crack when exposed to fire; I think, therefore, that those which are found among the Nactchitoches have acquired this good quality only by losing their salt during a period of several centuries that they have been out of the sea.« It is rather remarkable that in many, if not in a majority of cases, the bits of shell have not been affected by the heat of baking or use, as their original luster is fully preserved. The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia, who were found practicing the art of pot making only a few years ago, calcined their shells, and, as a consequence, where a large percentage of the material was used in tempering the cla}-, the vessels are inclined to fall to pieces from the slacking that follows use in water. MANUFACTURE The Records . A careful study of the methods and processes or manufacture employed in the ceramic art of America must furnish much that is of interest to the student of technic evolution. Besides this, the intfmate knowledge of the art gained in the stud}- of the technique of manufac- ture may also be of value when applied to questions of a more purely ethnic nature, for peculiar methods and devices of art characterize the peoples employing them, and in connection with other classes of evi- dence may be of use in tracing and identifying peoples. Much remains to be done in this branch of the study, for, considering the fact that the ceramic art has been so generally practiced bj' the natives since the advent of Europeans, our knowledge of the methods of manu- facture seems very meager. Those whites who came in contact with the aborigines most intimately took very little interest in the native arts, and, as a rule, made no record of them whatever, and now, when interest is finally awakened, we tind these arts in the main superseded and lost. a Du Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Hlstoire de la Loulslane, Paris, 1768, vol. i, pp. 168-164. KoiMfs] METHODS OF MANUFACTURE 49 Our knowledge of the technic of tlio art is fortunately not limited to that furnislied by literature or bj' observation of niodei'n practices. An examination of the manj- relics preserved to our time throws much light on the methods of fictile manipulation. The potter's lingers have left an indelible and easily read record upon everj- sherd. Slips, enam- els, and glazes which tend to obscure evidences of manipulation had not come into use or were sparingly emploj-ed, and the firing was so slight as to leave all the ingredients, save in color and hardness, practi- cally unchanged. First Use ok Clay Clay was probably first employed in the unbaked state as an auxil- iary in various arts, but in such a simple manner that traces of the work are not preserved to us. The lieginnings of the use of utensils of baked day by our northern tribes must have been of comparatively recent date, but these incipient stages are necessarily obscure. If the art was of local origin a long series of almost imperceptible steps must have led up to successful methods of shaping and baking. Suitable clays would have to be discovered and brought into use, and it would be long before the intelligent use of tempering materials and advanced methods of manipulation were known. Shaping Processes axd Appliances The shaping processes employed in vessel making were chiefly modeling and molding. These operations are equally elementary and probably of nearly equal antiquity, or, what amounts to the same thing, they came into use at corresponding stages of culture. If, as has been suggested, the clay vessel originated with the employment of claj- as a lining for cooking pits, or in protecting baskets, fruit shells, or other articles from destruction by tire in culinary operations, the clay would be applied to, and would take the form of, the pit or vessel, and the art of molding would be suggested. Modeling l)egan with the first touch of the fingers to a plastic material, but modeling directed to a definite end — the art of modeling — did not begin until some desired fomi was designedh' reproduced. The assumption that the vessel was the first art form in baked clay may or may not be well founded, but that it soon became and always remained the most important product of the potter's art must pass unchallenged. Although the molding process was much used in archaic times, it alone was never competent to complete a utensil; the plastic cla}- had to be squeezed into the mold and was therefore shaped, on one side at least, by modeling with the fingers or an implement. On the other hand, modeling alone was capable of accomplishing everj' necessary part of the shaping and finishing of vessels. 20 ETH— 03 ± 50 ABORIGINAL POTTEKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.a.nn.20 There has been much discussion regarding the probable nature of the mechanical appliances in use by pre-Columbian potters. It is now well established that the wheel or lathe was unknown in America, and no substitute for it capable of assisting materially in throwing the form or giving symmetry to the outline by purely mechanical means had been devised. The hand is the true prototype of the wheel as well as of other shaping tools, but the earliest artificial revolving device probably consisted of a shallow basket or bit of gourd in which the clay vessel was commenced and by means of which it was turned back and forth with one hand as the building went on with the other. This device is illustrated farther on in connection with studies of textile appliances employed in the art. Within the United States molds were generally, though not always, improvised affairs and seldom did more than serve as a support for the lower part of the clay vessel during shaping and finishing by the modeling processes. These molds were employed either as exterior or interior supports, to be removed before the baking liegan or even before the vessel was finished. They consisted of shallow baskets, sections of gourd shell, and vessels of clay or wood shaped for the purpose. The textile markings so often seen on the exterior surfaces of vases are not, however, impressions of baskets employed in model- ing and molding, but of pliable fabrics and cords used, possibly, in supporting the vessel while in the process of construction, but in most cases as a means of shaping, texturing, and ornamenting the surface, and applied by successive imprintings or malleations. This topic is presented in detail toward the close of this section. It is apparent that. the actual process of building and shaping an ordinary vessel was in a general way much the same, no matter whether it was supported by a shallow vessel serving as a rudimentary mold or wheel, or whether it was the work of the hands unaided by such mechanical device. The work was commenced at the center of the rounded bottom, either with a small mass of clay, which was flattened out and modeled into the proper curve by pressure of the fingers, or with the end of a strip of clay coiled on itself and welded together and worked into the desired form. In either case the walls were, as a rule, carried upward from the nucleus thus secured by the addition of strips of clay which were often so long as to extend more than once ai-ound the growing rim, thus assuming the chai-acter of a coil. Coil building was practiced in a very skillful manner by the ancient Pueblos. With these people the strips of clay were cut and laid on with the utmost regularity, and the edges were made to overlap on the exterior of the vessel, forming spiral imbrications. In the eastern United States the strips of clay were wide, irregular, and rude, and were worked down and obliterated, the finished vessel rarely showing HOLMES] MANUFACTURE AND DECORATION 51 traces of their employment. The strips were not systematically over- lapped as they were with the Pueblos, but one turn was set somewhat directly on the edge of the preceding turn and was attached to it by pressure and by drawing down the edges, both exterior and interior. Specimens from many sections fracture along the strip junctions, thus revealing the width of the fillets and the manner of their manipulation. The beginning of a coil is shown in figure 30«. Attachment was accom- plished by drawing both edges of the fillet down over the convex edge of the preceding turn, as is seen in h and a. Commonly the walls were evened up and the form coi-rected and developed by the aid of modeling tools. A convex-surfaced implement, a piece of gourd, for example, was held on the inner surface to support the wall, while paddles, rock- ing tools, and scrapers were used to manipulate the exterior surface. When the body of the vessel had been brought into approximately final shape, the margins — or in constricted forms the neck and rim — M-.f'^. \ Fig. 30— Use of the coil in vessel building: a, beginning of coil: h, ordinary superposition of coils or strips: r, section. received attention. Handles, legs, and other relieved features, includ- ing ornaments, were shaped and added, and the points of junction were carefully finished off. In the case of compound or even of complex forms the parts were separately shaped and afterward joined bv pres- sure and rubbing. Surface finish was accomplished in a number of ways, varying with the people, the period, and the locality, and with the use to which the vessels were to be applied. The most elementary treatment consi.sted of rubbing the surface with the hand and finger tips. But various tools were used, each leaving its own characteristic markings, and these in the more ordinary ware served as an ornamental finish. In the better ware the surface was rubbed down and polished with smooth stones or bits of shell. Decoratixd Pkocesses When the vessel was built and practically complete, attention was turned toward decoration. During the shaping operations features of form and texture very often arose that proved pleasing to the potter, 52 ABOKIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [f.th.ann.20 and these wore preserved and elal)orated. Thus tlie potters of each comnuinity, each nation, developed their own set of devices for deco- rating, besides acquiring from associated arts and from neighboring peoples additional ideas and facilities by means of which their art was gradually enriched. The fingers and fingernails were employed to produce manj' I'ude effects in relief and in intaglio; tools of many shapes, improvised or manufactured for the purjjose, were used; sharp pointed ones to incise, gouge-like forms to excavate, dull and rounded points to trail, and all the varieties for indented designs. Of kindred nature is a species of rude inlaying, which consists of setting into the clay, in patterns, bits of colored mineral, such as mica and quartz. In some sections of the country engraved stamps, which generally took the form of paddles, were used to cover the plastic surface with diaper-like patterns; in others thin disks with indented or otherwise finished peripheries were rolled back and forth on the plastic surface, producing similar figures. Again, in many places woven fabrics were applied to the claj^, leaving artistic patterns, and cords were impressed to prodxice ornamental figures of textile character. Then again proc- esses of preparing and applying color were known in some sections and extensively employed. Clays of varying hues were ground and prepared in a liquid state to be applied with brushes. The surface was in cases prepared for the color by the addition of a layer or wash of fine paste. No description of the processes of applying the colors has been recorded, but the}' are probablj' not unlike those practiced in the Pueblo country today, and may have been borrowed by the peo- ple of the lower Arkansas from their Pueblo neighbors or from nations inhabiting the western or southern shores of the Gulf of Mexico. Baking Processes When completed the utensil was dried in the shade, in the sun, or > before the fire, according to the needs of the case or to custom ; after- r ward it was baked with greater or less thoroughness. The Catawbas, it would seem, having excellent claj-, found baking before the fire quite sufiieient. The Chei'okees embedded the ves-sel in ])ark, which was fired, and the vessel came out red-hot. In no section was a very high degree of heat intentionally applied and the paste remained com- paratively soft. The shell material used in tempering was often not calcined, and vitrification rarely took place. Such traces of vitri- fication as have been observed may have been produced long sulisequent to the original baking. It has often been stated that furnaces pre- pared for the jjurpose of firing earthenware have been identified, but it is difficult to substantiate this belief, as the phenomena observed may be due to the use of earthenware in connection with fireplaces or with kilns built for other purposes. HOLMES] CHEROKEE AND CATAWBA TOTTERY 53 Methods; of firing observed in iiso were extremely wimple and con- sisted usually of devices for surroundinfj^ the vessels somewhat evenly with burning fuel. By such means the paste was hardened, and, in most cases discolored, taking a variety of hues depending on its min- eral ingredients and on the manner of applying the fire and the degree of heat attained. Some of the efi'ects of color observed are undoulit- edl}- due to causes operating at a period subsequent to the original firing. In cases where pigments were used in surface finish or in ornamental designs it can not be determined whether or not changes in hue produced by chemical reactions iu baking were anticipated and relied on to produce desired results. Processes of Manufactuee in Present Use Authors from whom information derived from personal observa- tions can be obtained are very few in number, and up to the present time no detailed account of the manufacture of earthenware in the great province covered by this paper has been published. The best - accounts are casual notes by writers who sought only to entertain, or who had little conception of the subject with which they were dealing. Perceiving this I sought means of securing detailed and accurate infor- mation. In 1888, learning that Mr James Mooney, the indefatigable student of aboriginal history, was about to pay a visit to the Cherokee villages of western >}orth Carolina, I secured his aid. Armed with a list of topics furnished by me he made a careful studj^ of the art as practised among these peoples, and from his notes have been compiled the two valuable accounts which follow: MANfFACTURE BY CATAWBA WOMEN Living with the Cherokees were (in 1890) two Catawba women, Sally Wahuhu, an old woman of 80 years, who had come from the Catawba reservation in South Carolina about fifty years before, and Susanna Owl, about 40 years of age, who had been with the Cherokees four years. These women, being skilled potters, were induced to make some vessels, that Mr Moone^^ might witness the operations. Their methods were probably in the main Catawban, but the manner of baking, by means of which a rich black color was given to the ware, was said by the elder woman to have been acquired from the Chero- kees. She also maintained that the Catawbas did not burn their wares in the fire, but baked them before it. On the Cherokee reservation two kinds of clay are used. They are found mainly on the north bank of the Soco creek, in Jackson county, North Carolina, and are usually closely associated in their deposition. One variety is fine-grained and of dark brown color; this is used for pipes, because it readily takes a high polish. The other variety is light gray or whitish in color and contains sand so coarse as to give it a grittj' texture. For the manufacture of ordinary earthenware these 54 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 clays are mixed in about equal proportions; thej- are placed together and pounded with a stick or with such tools as happen to be conven- ient. By adding water a paste of about the consistency of putty is soon produced, which in this state is ready for use; it may, however, be preserved an indefinite period provided it does not freeze. In making a vessel a sufficient quantity of the paste was placed by the Catawba women on a board and rolled into cylinders about an inch thick, which were cut up into sections eight or ten inches long. A small mass of clay was then taken, from which a disk about five inches in diameter was formed; this, turned up at the edges, served as the bottom of the vessel. It was placed on a board and one of the strips of clay, properh^ flattened out, was carried around its circumference and broken oft' on completing the circuit. The margin was bent slightly upward and the junction was rubbed over with the thumb nail to unite it. The process was repeated until the bowl was complete, the last strip lieing turned slightly outward with the fingers to form the rim. The joints were then rubbed over with the nails, and the whole surface, inside and out, was rubbed with a piece of gourd shell until it became quite even. During the smoothing process the vessel was beaten with the hands and dexterously turned by tossing in the air. The work up to this point had occupied about fifteen minutes. In the case of vessels requiring ears or handles, small cylinders of stiff clay were shaped, set in holes bored through the vessel, and clinched inside, and the joints were carefull}' smoothed over. The vessel was then allowed to dry until the next day. Ha^■ing remained in the sun for a number of hours it was again placed on a board which was held in the lap and the surface was scraped with a bit of gourd shell until the walls were sufficiently thin and even. Some parts, including the edges, were pared off with a knife. When the scraping or paring dislodged grains of sand, the holes were filled with bits of clay from the bottom of the vessel and the surface was smoothed o\'er with the fingers. The surface Avas now rubbed over with the gourd shell and polished with a smooth pebble which, in this case, had been brought from South Carolina bj" the elder woman. This part of the process, occupying about fifteen minutes, finished the second day's work. After the vessel had dried until the afternoon of the third day, in the sun, as far as po.ssible, the .surface was again rubbed inside and out with the- polishing stone. This work occupied half an hour. After this the vase was placed before the fire where not exposed to drafts and dried or baked for an hour; it was then ready for firing, which was conducted indoors. Oak bark was used for firing; Sally Wahuhu stated that poplar bark gave a superior color and finish. Bark was preferred to wood because it was more easilj- broken up and was more convenient. A heap of bark was laid on a bed of living coals; the \essel was filled with broken bark and inverted over the pile of ignited bark and then completely covered with the same fuel. The HOLMES] CATAWBA POTTERY 55 exterior bark was fired and the supply renewed for an hour, when the red-hot vessel was taken out. It was kept away from drafts during the burning and the tirst part of the cooling to prevent cracking. It was allowed to cool near the fire until the red heat had disappeared, when it was removed to the open air. On examination it was found that the inside had been colored a deep, glistening black by the burn- ing, but the exterior, save in spots where the bark had been dense and the fire nuich smothered, was of grayish and reddish tints. The Catawba potters excel in the manufacture of pipes. Susanna Owl used only the fine brown clay. In making an ordinary pipe she first rolled out a cylindric cone about five inches long, one end of which was less than half an inch in diameter and the other an inch or more. This cone was broken in the middle and the narrow piece was joined to the other near the smaller end and at right angles, the junction being perfected by the addition of bits of clay and by manipulation with the fingers. The processes of shaping, polishing, and drying were the same as with ordinary potterj'. Three other varieties of pipes are made, described severally as cockscomb-shaped, ax-shaped, and boot-shaped. Incised ornamental figures are executed with a needle or a bent pin. This work is done on the evening of the second day or on the morning of the third. The bowl is not bored out until the pipe is nearlv ready for firing. The pipes are baked, often several at a time, by embedding in burning bark, and a vessel is inverted over them during the process to impart a uniform glistening black finish. The work of the Catawba potters was observed by Dr E. Palmer on their reservation in South Carolina in 1884, and somewhat detailed notes were furnished by him to the Bureau of Ethnology. Thev use a light porous clay containing a large percentage of vegetal matter. It is moistened, then taken in the hands by bits, and kneaded by the fingers until all hard particles are removed and the texture becomes uniform. When enough is thus treated to make a vessel, a small por- tion is taken up and flattened between the hands and formed into a disk. This is placed on a board, and other portions are rolled out into rolls a foot or less in length. One of these is wrapped about the mar- gin of the disk and woi'kcd down and welded with the fingers, and others are added in like manner until the walls rise to the desired height. When the surface is made sufiiciently even and the clay becomes firm, smooth quartz pebbles are used to give a polish. The vessels are carefully dried in the shade and then baked by covering them with bark which is kept burning until they are suffi- ciently hardened. They are frequently moved about to prevent such constant contact with the burning bark as would blacken them too much. The colors produced are shades of brown mottled with gra3's and blacks. When the potters desire they produce a l)lack shining surface by covering the articles with some inverted receptacle during the baking process. 56 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ass.20 MANUFACTURE BY CHEROKEE WOMEN Mr Mooncy found that although the making of pottery had fallen into disuse among the Chc^rokees, three women were still skilled in the art. The names of these potters arc Uhyuiili, then 75 years of age. Katiilsta, ahout 85 years of age, and Ewi Katalsta, daughter of the last named and about 60 years old. Cherokee processes differ from the Catawba, or more properly, per- haps, did differ, in two principal points, namely, «, the application of a black glossy color by smother-firing, and, h, the application of orna- mental designs to the exterior of the vessel by means of figured paddles or stamps. The employment of incised decorations was more common among the Cherokees than among the Catawbas. Katalsta used clay of the fine dark variety obtained near Macedonia Church. She prepared it as did the Catawba women, but in building she sometimes used one long coil which was carried spirally from the bottom to the rim after the manner of the ancient Pueblos and the potters of Louisiana. The inside of the vessel was shaped with a spoon and polished with a stone, the latter having been in use in the potter's family, near Bryson City, North Carolina, for three genera- tions. The outside was stamped all over with a paddle, the body of which was covered with a checker jjattern of engraved lines, giving a somewhat ornamental effect. The rim was lined vertically by incising with a pointed tool. At this stage of the process the vessel was lifted by means of a bit of cloth which prevented obliteration of the orna- ments. When the vessel was finished and dried in the sun it was heated by the fire for three hours, and then put on the fire and covered with bark and burned for about three-quarters of an hour. When this step of the process was completed the vessel was taken outside the house and inverted over a small hole in the ground, which was filled with bvirning corn cobs. This fuel was renewed a number of times, and at the end of half an hour the interior of the vessel had acquii'ed a black and glistening surface. Sometimes the same result is obtained by burning small quantities of wheat or cob bran in the vessel, which is covered over during the burning to prevent the escape of the smoke. The implements used by the potters of this reservation are the tool for pounding the clay; the bits of gourd or shell, or other convex-surfaced devices for shaping and polishing; the knife for trimming edges; smooth pebbles for final polishing; pointed tools of wood, metal, etc., for incising patterns; and paddle stamps for imparting a rude diapered effect to the exterior surface of the vessel. The stamp ])atterns are usually small diamonds or squares, formed by cutting crossed grooves on the face of a small paddle of poplar or linn wood. Plain pipes of rather rude finish are made by the Cherokees after their ordinary manner of earthenware manufacture. HOLMESJ MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY 57 Early Accounts of Manufacturk For the purpose of showing the close general resemblance of the processes here recorded to those of Louisiana Indians witnessed, though inadequately desci'ibed, by Du Pratz and Butel-Dumont one hundi'ed and tif ty years ago, I add the following paragraphs from these authors, (juite literally translated. As soon as these peoples had settled in a fixed dwelling place, it was necessary to find the safest and most convenient method of cooking maize and meats; they bethought themselves of making pottery. This was the work of the women. They sought for greasy earth, reduced it to powder, rejected the gravel which was found in it, made a sufficiently firm paste, an)roken, it is observed that the color of the paste is not uniform throughout the mass; usually the interior is darker than the surface, which was exposed directly to the heat in baking and lost such portions of its original coloring matter as happened to be most volatile. Possibly this effect may in cases be produced by weathering, or, rather, by the bleaching action of the soil in which the vessels were embedded. Application of Color It was a common practice with some tribes to apply a wash of color to the surface of the vase, generally to the more exposed parts of the exterior only. Little is known of the manner in which the colors were mixed and used. Thej^ were usuallj^ applied before the Imking, and were always polished down with a rubbing stone. Red was the favorite color. Du Pratz mentions the use of color by the Natchez Indians in the following lines: On the same hill (White hill) there are veins of ocher, of which the Natchez had just taken some to stain their pottery, which is very pretty; when it was besmeared with ocher it became red after burning. « The preference for particular colors may be due to a number of "Du Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Histoirede la Louisiane, Paris, 1768, vol. i, p. 124. 64 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 causes, two of which are of especial importance: lirst, with some peo- ples colors had peculiar nij'tholoofic significance, and on this account were appropriate to vessels employed for certain ceremonial uses; second, most savage and barbarian peoples have a decided fondness for colors, and appreciate their esthetic values, taste being exercised in their selection. There is good evidence that both superstitious and esthetic motives influenced the pottei's of the mound region; but it is impossible to sa^' from a studj* of the vases exactly what part each of these motives took in producing the results observed in the wares studied. Ordinarily domestic pottery did not receive surface coloring, as subsequent use over fire would entirely obliterate it. Coloring for ornament is more fully discussed in a subsequent section (page 66). DECORATION Evolution of Decoration A volume could be written on this most attractive subject, but a brief outline is all that can be given in this place. The origin and early development of the idea of embellishment and the manner in which decorative features came to be introduced into the ceramic art can not he examined in detail. I have dwelt on these topics to some extent in two papers alread}' published, Form and Ornament in the Ceramic Art, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the Evolution of Ornament, an American Lesson, in the American Anthropologist, April 1890. It is not essential to the purpose of this paper that I should here do more than characterize and classify the native decorative work of the eastern United States in a somewhat general way, detailed studies being presented in connection with the separate presentation of ceramic groups. Decoration may be studied, first, with reference to the subject- matter of the ornamentation — its form, origin, and significance — and, second, with reference to the methods of execution and the devices and implements employed. It may also be examined with refer- ence to such evidence as it affords regarding racial and tribal history. The subject-matter of primitive ceramic ornament, the elements or motives employed, may be assigned to two great classes based on the character of the conceptions associated witn them. These are non- ideographic, that is to say, those having a purelj' esthetic office, and those having in addition to this function associated ideas of a super- stitious, nmemonic, or other significant nature. Nonideographic ele- ments are mainly derived from two sources: first, by copying from objects having decorative features, natural or artificial, and second. from suggestions of a decorative nature arising within the art from constructive and manipulative features. Natural objects, such as sea- shells and fruit shells, abound in features highly suggestive of embel- lishment, and these objects are constantly and intimately associated with the plastic art and are copied by the potter. Artificial objects """"«] METHODS OF DECORATING 65 have two classes of features (■apa))le of giving rise to ornament; these are constructional and functional. Those of the former class are represented hy such features as the coil employed in building, and the stitch, the plait, and the twist employed in textile fabrics. Those of the latter are represented by handles, legs, bands, perforations, etc. Suggestions incidental to manufacture, such as finger markings, imprints of implements, and markings of molds, are fruitful sources of nonideographic decorations. In the primitive stages of the art simple nonideographic elements seem to predominate, but it is difficult to draw a line separating them from the ideographic, for an idea may at any time become associated with even the most elementary design. When, however, we encounter delineative elements or subjects employed in ornamental offices, we may reasonably assume that ideas were associated with them, that they were symbolic. It is pretty generally conceded that life forms were not employed in early art save when they had a peculiar significance and applicability in the connection in which they were used, and it is probable that the associated idea was often retained even though the representation became so conventionalized and formal that the ordinary observer would no longer recognize the semblance of nature. This topic was examined in detail in a recent study of the art of ancient Chiriqui," and is presented in equally definite form in the section of this paper devoted to Gulf Coast ware. The range of imitative subjects employed in surface decoration is not large. Within the whole area studied, no representation of a plant has been found; birds and the human figure were rarely delineated, and even quadrupeds, so generally employed in modeling, do not appear with frequency in other forms of expression. Ceramic decora- tion is probably late in taking up the graphic and ideographic art of a people. This conservatism may be due to the fact that in early stages the art is purely domestic, and such delineations would have little appropriateness. It is probably not until the fictile products come to take a prominent place in superstitious usages that significant designs are demanded and employed. Methods ok Decorating The decoration of earthenware was accomplished in a number of ways which are classified by form characters as relieved, flat, and depressed. The processes employed are modeling with the finger's and with tools, molding in baskets or other vessels having ornamented surfaces, and stamping, paddling, impressing, puncturing, carving, incising, polishing, and painting with such tools as were most conven- ient. A brief review of the decorating processes has already been given under the head Manufacture. a Holmes, W. H Ancient art of the province of Chlriqul, In SixtoTnnuarR^port of th^xn^t Ethnology, Washington. 1S8S. 20 ETH— 03 5 66 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [etu.ann.20 HELIEVEI) ORNAMENT The modeling of animal forms constituted a prominent feature of the potter's art in the Mississippi valley as well as in some other sections. Asa rule the figures were modeled, in part at least, in the round, and were attached to or formed essential parts of the vase. Usually, no doubt, they had a symbolic office, but their decorative value was not lost sight of, and the forms graded imperceptibly into conventional relieved features that to all appearances were purely decorative. Decorative designs of a purely conventional character were often executed in both low and salient relief. This was generally accom- plished by the addition of nodes and fillets of clay to the plain surfaces of the vessel. Fillets were applied in various ways over the body, forming horizontal, oblique, and vertical bands or ribs. When placed about the rim or neck, these fillets were often indented with the finger or an implement so as to imitate, rudely, a heavy twisted cord — a feature evidently borrowed from basketry or copied from cords used in mending or handling earthen vessels. Nodes were also attached in various ways to the neck and body of the vessel, sometimes covering it as with spines. In some cases the entire surface of the larger vessels was varied by pinching up small bits of clay between the nails of the fingers and the thumb. An implement was sometimes used to produce a similar result. INTAGLIO ORNAMENT The esthetic tendencies of the potters are well shown by their essays in engraving. They worked with points on both the plastic and the sun-dried clay, and possibly at times on the fire-baked surface. Figures thus produced exhibit a wide range of artistic achievement. They illustrate all stages of progress from the most archaic type of ornament — the use of loosely associated dots and straight lines — to the most elegant combinations of curves, and the delineation of life forms and fanciful conceptions. In many cases when a blunt implement was employed, the line was produced by a trailing movement. The result is quite distinct from that of incision, in which a sharp point is used, and excision or exca- vation which is more easily accomplished with the end of a hollow reed or bone. The application of textile fabrics giving impressions of the mesh was ver\' general, and engraved paddles were used to give simi- lar effects. These topics are treated at length elsewhere in this paper. Kepousse work, which consisted in punching up nodes by applying a blunt tool to the opposite side of the vessel wall, was common in some localities. PAINTED ORNAMENT The use of color in decorating earthenware marks a very decided advance beyond the inceptive stage of the art. Vessels to be employed in ordinary culinary work needed no surface ornament, and could not retain it during use. When differentiation of use had made some prog- "'"•«'■-''! METHODS OF DECORATING 67 res.s, and neat appearance became desirable, coloring was applied, and when the ofKce became ceremonial or superstitious, elaborate designs were employed. Ornament in color is common in the middle and lower Mississippi regions, and is seen to some extent along the Gulf coa.st and in Florida; rare examples have been found in the middle Ohio region and east of the Appalachian high land in Georgia and the Carolinas. The most decided prevalence of color in finish and decora- tion is discovered in the Arkansas region, from which locality as a center this feature is found to fade out and gradually disappear.^ The reason of this is not determined, but it is to be remarked that Arkansas borders somewhat closely on the Pueblo country where the use of color was general, and this idea, as has already been remarked, may have been borrowed from the ancient Pueblo potter. The coiors used in painting were white, red, brown, and black; they consisted for the most part of finely pulverized clay mixed with ochers and of native ochers alone. Occasionally the colors used seem to have been mere stains. All were probably laid on with coarse brushes of hair, feathers, or vegetal fiber. The figures in most cases are sim- ple, but are applied in a broad, bold way, indicative of a well-advanced stage of decorative art. Skill had not yet reached the point, however, at which ideographic pictorial subjects could be presented with nuich freedom, and the work was for the most part purely conventional. As would be expected, curvilinear forms prevail as a result of the free-hand method of execution; they embrace meanders, scrolls, cir- cles, spirals, and combinations and groupmg of curved lines. Of rectilinear forms, lozenges, guilloches, zigzags, checkers, crosses, and stellar shapes are best known. Many of these figures were doubtless symbolic. Life forms were seldom attempted, although modeled fig- ures of animals were sometimes given appropriate markings, as in the case of a fine owl-shaped vessel from Arkansas, and of a quadruped vase, with striped and spotted body, from Missouri. Examples of human figures from Arkansas have the costume delineated in some detail in red, white, and the ochery color of the paste, and numerous vases shaped in imitation of the human head have the skin, hair, and ornaments colored approximately to life. In some cases the patterns on vases are brought out by polishing certain areas more highly than others, and an example is cited by C. C. Jones in which inlaying had been resorted to.« USE OF TEXTILES I\ MODELING AND EMBELLISHING Relation- of the Textile and Ceramic Arts Among the tribes of a wide zone in southern British America and northern United States, and extending from the Atlantic to the Rocky mountains, the ceramic art was intimately associated with the textile art, "Jones, C. C, Antiquities of the southern Indians, p. 459. 68 ABOKIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES L«h.an>-.20 and the earthenware exhibits traces of this intimacy as one of its most constant characteristics. These traces consist of impressions of textile articles made on the plastic clay during manufacture, and of markings in imitation of textile characters traced or stamped on the newly made vessels. The textile art is no doubt the older art in this region as else- where, and the potter, working always with textile appliances and with textile models before him, has 1)orrowed many elements of form and ornament from them. Textile forms and markings are thus in this part of America a characteristic of the initial stages of the ceramic art. It is true that we can not say in any case whether the potter's art as practiced in the northern districts is exclusively of local development, springing from suggestions offered by the practice of simple culinary arts, especially basketry, or whether it represents degenerate phases of southern art radiating fi'om far away culture centei's and reduced to the utmost simplicitj^ by the unfriendly environment. We are cer- tainly safe, however, in assuming that this peculiar phase of the art represents its initial stage— a stage through and from which arose the higher and more complex phases characterizing succeeding stages of barbarism and civilization. Whether with all peoples the art passed through the textile stage may remain a question, because the traces are obliterated by lapse of time, but we observe as we pass south through the United States that the textile-marked ware becomes less and less prevalent. However, sufficient traces of textile finish are still found in Florida and other Gulf states to suggest a former practice there of the archaic art. Classes of Textile Markings Textile markings found on pottery are of five classes: first, impres- sions from the surface of rigid forms, such as baskets; second, im- pressions of fabrics of a pliable nature, such as cloths and nets; third, impressions from woven textures used over the hand or over some suitable modeling implement; fourth, impressions of cords wrapped about modeling paddles or rocking tools; fifth, impressions of bits of cords or other textile units, singly or in groups, applied for ornament only and so arranged as to give textile-like patterns. In addition, we have a large class of impressions and markings in which textile effects are mechanically imitated. The several kinds of textile markings are not equally distributed over the country, but each, to a certain extent, seems to characterize the wares of a particular region or to belong to particular groups of ware, indicating, perhaps, the condition and practices of distinct peo- ples or variations in initial elements affecting the art. There may also be a certain order in the development of the various classes of impressions — a passing from simple to complex phenomena, from the purely mechanical or the simj^h' imitative to the conventionall}' modi- tied and highly elaborated phases of embellishment. HOLMES] PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE 69 Use ok Baskets in Molding and Modklinu The extent to which baskets were used in modeling potterj- in this great province has been greatly overestimated. Instead of being the rule, as we have been led to believe, their use constitutes the excep- tion, and the rare exception. The functions of the fab- rics and textile elements used in connection with the manufacture of pottery de- serve careful consideration. There can be little doubt that these functions are both practical and esthetic, but we shall not be able to make the distinction in all cases. Practical uses may be of ' several kinds. In modeling a clay vessel a basket may -be used as a support and '.^pivot, thus becoming an in- cipient form of the wheel (see figure 31). It may equally well assist in shap- ing the bodies of the ves- sels, thus assuming in a limited way the functions of a mold (see fig- ure 32). The mat on which a plastic vessel happens to rest leaves impressions rendered indelible by subsequent firing. The same may be true of any fabric brought into contact with the plastic surface, but the impressions in such cases are ac- cidental and have no practical func- tion. That baskets were used in the P^ast as molds is attested by historical evi- dence, as may be seen by reference to the citation from Hunter, previ- ously made. I can but regard it as remarkable, however, that in hand- ling thousands of specimens of this pottery I have found no vase the im- prints on which fully warrant the statement that a basket was employed as a. mold, or even as a support for the incipient clay fonn. Many assertions to the contrary have been made, probably through misapprehension of the nature of the Fig. 31— Use of a basket in modeliug an earthen vessel (I*ueblo Indians, Cusliing, in the Fourth Annual Re- port of the Bureau of Ethnolo^-). Fig. 32— Use of a basket as a mold fi>r the base of an earthen vessel (Pueblo Indians, Cushing, work cited). 70 ABOBIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN IGNITED STATES [eth. anx.20 Fig. 33— Vase showing impressions resnlting from tlie use of pliable fabrics in wrapping and sustain- ing the vessel while plastic. Height 4 inches. Fig. 34-Fragment of salt vessel, with cast in clay, showing kind of fabric used in modeling vessels. About one-half actual size. HOLMES] USE OF TEXTILES IN MANUFACTURE 71 markings observed. On fragments of imperfectly preserved vessels distinctions can not readily be drawn lH>tween disconnected impres sions made ])y the partial application of pliable falirics or textile- covered stamps and the systematically connected imprintings made by the surface of a basket. The unwary arc likely even to mistake the rude patterns made by impressing ])its of cords in geometric arrange- ment about the rims of vases for the imprints of baskets. Use oe Pliable Fabrics in Modeling Pliable fabrics, such as sacks, nets, and cloth, were made use of as exterior supports in holding or handling the vessel while it was still in a plastic condition. Mr Mooney sa3-s that the Cherokees use a rag to lift the pot at one stage in its manufacture, and it is easy to see that cloths or nets wrapped about the exterior surface of the plastic walls would serve to prevent quick drying and consequent cracking of Fig. 35— Fragment of a cooking pot showing impressions of a net-covered paddle, North Carolina. About three-fourths actual size. the clay along a weak line. Binding up with cloths or nets would inter- fere with the deforming tendency of pressure during the modeling process and of sinking from weight of the plastic walls. Mr Sellers, a very acute observer, believed that the modeling of certain large salt basins was done on core-like molds of cla}-. In such a case, or where, as observed by Hunter, blocks of Avood were used, the cloth would serve an important purpose in facilitating the removal of the plastic or partly dried clay shell and in supporting it during subsequent stages of the shaping and finishing processes. Such removal would probably be accomplished by turning the mold, with the vase upon it, upside down, and allowing the latter to fall off into the fabric by its own weight or by the means of pressure from the hands. An excellent example of the impressions made on the surface of vases by fabrics applied in the course of manufacture is shown in figure 33. The 72 ABORIGINAL PGl'TERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.a.nn.20 Fig. 3OTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.axn.20 : ■ ■ ^ Flu. 43 — The roulette (restored) inked and rocked on a sheet of paper. Flo. 44— Potsherds illustrating markings produced by the notched wheel; a about three-fourths actual size: b about one-third actual size. HOLMES] USE OF TEXTILES IN MANUFACTURE ir texture to the surface that inaA- have been regarded as pleasing to the eye. It is seen, however, that whenever it was desired to add orna- mental designs, oven of the most simple kind, this cord marking was generally smoothed down over that part of the surface to he treated, so that the figures imprinted or incised would have the advantage of an even ground. Use of Cords in Imprintino Ornamental Patterns Growing out of the use of cord-wrapped tools in modeling and finish- ing the clay surfaces is a group of phenomena of great importance in FlO. 45— Potsiierda with stamped markings giving textile-like effects. One-lialf lutual size. the history of ceramic ornament. I refer to the imprinting of twisted cords, singly and in such relations and order as to produce ornamental effects or patterns. In its simplest use the cord was laid on and imprinted in a few lines around the shoulder or neck of the vessel. Elaborations of this use are imprinting.s which produce a great variety of simple geometric patttn-ns, differing with the regions and the peoples. Connected or current fretwork and curved figures were not readily executed by this method, and are never seen. A few examples of cord- imprinted patterns are shown in figure 41. Hard-twisted cords were 78 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN" TTNITED STATES tF:TH.ANN.20 Fi<;. li;— MMilrliiii,' j'li'Mlr^ wUh I'arr- r;ir\ ril lu ii:iii;,h> ii.'Xiilf palt^-ni-. I n\v. liaf a<'tll Fifi. 47— Potsherds !>howiiiff textile-like eltutt oi linishins with engraved puddles. About one-hiUi actual size. aoLMEs] IMITATION OF TEXTILE EFFECTS 79 in mos;t general u.se. hut their markinj^s were imitated in various ways, as In- imprinting strings of beads and slender sticks or sinews wrapped with thread or other unwoven strands. Vahioi's Means of Imitating Textile Characters It would jieem that the textile idea in decoration went beyond the imprinting oi textiles and t^prds, and that textile markings were imitated in many ways, indicating' possibly the association of ideas of a special traditional nature with the textile work and their perpetuation in cera- mics by the imitation of textile characters. A few of these imitations Fig. 48— Incised designs of textile character. About one-half actual size. may be mentioned. In figure 42 is shown a small pot to which the appearance of a basket has been given by pinching up the plaster surface with the finger nails. The notched wheel or roulette, restored in figure iOi, was used in imitating cord-made patterns, and this was probably an outgrowth of the use of cord-covered malleating tools. This tool was confined rather closely to one great group of pottery, the so-called roulette- decorated ware of the Northwest. Its effective use is shown in figure 40c, and in illustrations of the ware given in the sections treating of the pottery of the Northwest. The manner of u.sing the implement is well illustrated in figure 43, where an improvised wheel has been inked and rocked back and forth on a sheet of paper. The potsherds shown in figure 44 illustrate these markings as applied by the ancient potters. 80 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 Decorative effects closely resembling those produced by the use of cords and the rocking tool were made by narrow, notched stamps applied to the plastic surface in the manner indicated in figure 45. Connecting directly with this simple stamp work, in which a succes- sion of separate imprintings give the textile effects, is the use of the engra^'ed modeling and decorating paddle, so common in the South Appalachian region. Two Cherokee paddles with engraved surfaces are given in figure 4:6 a and i, and the effect of the use of similar implements is shown in figure 47. The sherds illustrated are from Florida mounds. In figure 48 is presented a bit of ware from a New .Terse}' village site in which textile-like combinations of lines have been worked out with an incised tool. Owing to the close association of these rouletted, stamped, and incised effects with the textile-imprinted groups of ware, I feel war- ranted in speaking of them as in genei^al growing directly out of textile practices, although they are not necessarily always so connected, as the use of the stamp may in cases have arisen from the use of non- textile tools in modeling- It is thus seen from what has been said that the textile art has served in various ways to shape and modify the ceramic art, and the textile technic has bequeathed its geometric characters to the younger art, giving rise to most varied forms of embellishment, and no doubt pro- foundly affecting the later phases of its development. POTTERY OF THE MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY In presenting a review of the several gi'oups or varieties of earthen- ware it seems advisable to begin with that group most fully represented in our collections, as it will exhibit the widest range of those features and phenomena with which we must in all cases deal. By far the most complete in every essential is the great group of utensils repre- senting the middle Mississippi vallej' i-egion. The descriptions and illustrations of this group will serve as a basis of comparison in pre- senting all other groups, thus greatly facilitating and abbreviating the work. Geographic Distribution The geographic distribution of the ware of this group naturally receives first consideration. Apparently its greatest and most strik- ing development centers about the contiguous portions of Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, Kentuckj-, and Tennessee. The area covered is much greater, however, than would thus be indicated; its borders are extremely irregular, and are not as yet at all clearly defined. Typical specimens are found as far north as Chicago, as far northeast as BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV .e., Or HoLMns] CORRELATION OF POTTERY WITH TRIBES 81 Pittsburg, and as far southeast as Augusta, Georgia. Closely related foi'ins are found also along the Gulf of Mexico, from Tampa l)ay to the Rio Bi-azos. As a result of the segregation of the peoples of this vast prpvince into social divisions — each more or less isolated and independent and all essentially sedentary — there are well-marked distinctions in the pottery found, and several subgroups may be recog- nized. The most pronounced of these are found, one in eastern Arkansas and western Tennessee, one in southeastern Missouri, one in the Cumberland valley, Tennessee, and a fourth in the lower Missis- sippi region. Others may be distinguished as collections are enlarged. The pottery of this great group does not occupy exclusively any large area. Varieties of ware whose typical development is in other centers of habitation may be found in many places within its range. As to the occurrence of occasional specimens of this ware in remote localities, it may be remarked that there are many agencies that tend to distribute art products beyond their normal limit. These ha\-e been referred to in detail in the introductory pages. The accompanying map, plate iv, will assist in giving a general impression of the distri- bution and relative prevalence of this ware. Ethnic Considerations It is not clearly apparent that a study of the distribution of this pottery will serve any important purpose in the settlement of purely ethnic questions. The matter is worthy of close attention, however, since facts that taken alone serve no definite purpose may supplement testimony acquired through other channels, and thus assist in estab- lishing conclusions of importance with respect to tribal or family history. It is clear that this ware was not made by one but by many tribes, and even b}' several linguistic families, and we maj' fairly assume that the group is regional or environmental rather than tribal or national. It is the product of conditions and limitations prevailing for a long time throughout a vast area of countr}-. As to the modern representatives of the pottery-making peoples, we may very reason- ablj' look to anv or all of the tribes found occupying the general region when the whites came — Algonquian, Siouan, Muskhogean, Natchesan, and Caddoan. With respect to the origin of this particular ceramic group we may surmise that it developed largely from the preceramic art of the region, although we must allow that exotic ideas probably crept in now and then to modify and improve it. That exotic features did mi- grate by one agency or another from Mexico is amply attested by various elements of form and technic found in the ceramic as well as in other arts. I have sought by a study of the plastic representations of the human 20 ETii— 03 6 82 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 face and figure to leaiTi something of the physiognomj' of the pot- tery-making peoples, but have sought without success. It is evident that portraiture was rarely, if ever, attempted, and, contrary to what might be expected, few of the greatly varied representations of faces suggest strongly the Indian type of countenance. Chronology The pottery of this great province is wonderfully homogeneous in its most essential characteristics, and we are not able to say by its appear- ance or character that any specimen is older or more primitive than another. Exploration has been too unsystematic to enable us to reach any safe conclusions respecting the comparative age of specimens based on the manner of occurrence or relations to artificial or natural deposits. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that the manu- facture of this ware began many centuries before the advent of the white race; it is equally certain that the art was extensively practiced until quite recent times. The early explorers of the valley witnessed the manufacture, and the processes and the manner of use of the ware are, as we have seen in a preceding section, described by several writers. Notwithstanding the early introduction of metal vessels and other utensils that naturally superseded those of clay, some of the tribes of the province seem to have practiced the art continuoush' nearly to the present day, and some of the pieces recovered from mounds and graves are thought to suggest European models. It is certain, however, that the art had reached its highest stage without the aid of civilized hands, and in the study of its many interesting features we may feel assured that we are dealing with essentially aboriginal ideas. Preservation It is generally admitted that there is no vital ethnic or other dis- tinction between the pottery found in mounds, that found on village sites, and that obtained from ordinarj' graves or stone cists. The con- dition of the mortuary ware varies with the quality of the terra cotta, and with the conditions of its inhumation. Considering the porous character of the paste and the great degree of moisture in the soil of the Mississippi valley, the state of preservation of many of the vases is remarkable. In some other sections of the country the pieces of pottery were perforated or broken before their inhumation took place, but such was not the practice in this province. The ware of village sites and middens naturally is largely in fragments, and the plowing of cemetery sites has broken up vast immbers of the mortuary vessels. State of Culture of Makers The simple life of these people is indicated by the absence of such ceramic forms as lamps, whistles, bricks, and tiles, and by the rai"e HOLMES] POTTERY APPLIED TO VARIOUS USES 83 occurrence of other articles in common use with niiiny barbaric nations. Ck}- pipes, so neatly shaped even in neighboring districts, are of very rude character over a large part of this district, as is shown in plate xxxiii, at the end of this section. The reason for this is not plain, since the potters of the middle and lower Mississippi region were in advance of all others in the eastern half of the United States in the manipulation of clay, as a comparative study of form, color, and decoration will amply show. In variety and refinement of form this ware excels perhaps even that of the ancient Pueblos, but in almost every other respect the fictile art of the latter was superior. There is nothing to indicate that the culture of the earlier occupants of the valley differed materially from that existing among the historic tribes of the same area. Uses It is difficult to determine with precision the functions of the various forms of vessels in this group, or, for that matter, in any group where differentiation is well advanced. Certain varieties of rather plain and often rude vessels show traces of use over fire; these were doubtless for boiling and cooking, and for the manufacture of salt. They are usually recovered from midden sites and are in a fragmentary con- dition. Particular forms were probably intended for preparing and serving food, for storing, carrying, and containing water, oil, honey, salt, paint, fruit seeds, and all articles pertaining to domestic or cere- monial use. Nearly all the better finished and delicate vases are with- out marks of rough usage, and there can be little doubt that many of them were devoted to sacerdotal and mortuary uses, and that they were made expressly for these purposes. Vases of refined and unusual shape, carefully finished and ornamented, especially those decorated in color, were certainly not generally intended for ordinary domestic use. Rarely an unusual shape is found suggesting manufacture for burial purposes, and the larger culinary vessels were at times devoted to the burial of children, and probably, also, to the burial of the bones of adults. The presence ui the graves of unbaked vases, or what are believed to be such, and of figurines, miniature image vessels, and death's-head vases is suggestive of special making for moiluary use. Probably no other people north of the valley of Mexico has extended Its ceramic field as widely as the southern mound-builders. The manufacture of images, toys, rattles, gaming disks, spool- shaped ear ornaments, labrets, beads, pipes, trowels, modeling tools, etc., indi- cate the widening range of the art. Materials and Manufacture Materials and manufacture have been discussed in the introduction in such detail that little further need be said here. A few features 84 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED 8TATES [eth.ann.20 distinctive of the group may be noted. It is observed that the paste varies in color from a light yellowish gray to dark grays and ))rowns. The light colors were used in vases to be decorated in color. The paste is never vitreous, but is often well baked, firm, and tenacious. Now and then a specimen is discovered that seems to have been sun-dried only, disintegrating readily in water. It is not unusual to find examples of vessels whose paste is quite porous and of low specific gravit}'. This may be due partly to the use of combustible tempering matter or to the deca^' of portions of the pulverized shell tempering. As a rule the vases are of medium or heavy weight, and in some cases the walls are quite thick, especially in the tall bottles. In the better ware tempering materials were finelj' pulverized or were used in comparatively small quantity. Coarse shell was used in the ruder forms of domestic ware and for the so-called salt vessels. Fragments of shell fully an inch in greatest dimension have been observed in the latter ware. In exceptional cases, especially on the outskirts of the area covered by the group, powdered quartz, mica, and other minerals in large and sharp grains are observed. The paste was manipulated after the fashion already indicated in the introductory pages, and the firing was conducted, no doubt, in the usual primitive ways. Traces of pottery kilns within the district have been reported, but sufiicient particulars have not been given to enable us to form a definite notion of their character. Surface Finish The finish, as compared with the work of civilized nations, is crude. The surface was often simplj- hand-smoothed, while in cases it was scarified or roughened by the finger nails or bj' modeling tools. Gen- erally, however, it was more or less carefuUj' polished by rubbing with an implement of stone, shell, bone, or other suitable material, the markings of these tools being distinctly visible. There is no rea- son for supposing that glazing was understood, although pieces having partialh' vitrified surfaces are occasionall}' found. The surface was often washed with a film of fine light-colored clay, which facilitated the polishing, and in many cases a coat of thick red ocher was applied; this also was polished down. The comparatively rare occurrence of textile finish in the better wares ma}' be due in a measure to the pref- erence for polished or painted surfaces, in producing which original texturings were necessarily obliterated, but it is also probable that these potters had risen above the decidedly primitive textile stage of the art. Color As has been indicated, the paste of this ware presents two marked varieties of color a dark hue, rangmg from a rich black to all shades of brown and gray, and a lighter series of tints comprismg warm BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V t7, is still more characteristic of the South. It consists of an encircling row of round, shallow indentations, about which are linked series of imperfectly developed incised scrolls, and of two additional rows of depressions, one above and the other below, through which parallel lines are" drawn. The handome vase shown in c was obtained, along with many other fine specimens, from mounds near Little Rock, Arkansas. It is of the dark polished ware with the usual fire mottlings. The form is S3'm- metric and graceful. The neck is ornamented with a band of incised chevrons, and the sloping upper surface of the bodj' is encircled by a series of stepped figures engraved in the plastic clay. The vessel shown in d has a wide annular base ^nd a body apparentl}^ compounded of a large flatfish form and a smaller kettle-like form set upon it. The latter is furnished with handles and decorated with encircling lines of indentations. The vessel shown in e may be taken as a type of a very large class. It is most readily described as a short-necked, wide- mouthed bottle. It is symmetric and nicely finished. The lip is sup- plied with a narrow horizontal rim. The body expands somewhat abruptly from the base of the upright neck to the squarish shoulder, and contracts below in an even curve, giving a hemispheric base. We have in y a good example of a class of bottle-shaped vessels, the necks of which are wide and short and the bodies much compressed vertically. It is a handome vase, symmetric, quite dark in color, and highly polished. The upper surface of the body is ornamented with a collar formed of a broad fillet of clay, or rather of two fillets, the pointed ends of which come together on opposite sides of the vase. As skilled as these people were in modeling life forms and in engravmg geometric devices, they seem rarely to have attempted the linear representation of life forms. We have, however, a few good examples of such work. The engraved design covering the body of a BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIII a (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) h (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) / (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 9 INCHES) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV d (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT lOi INCHES) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] VASK WITH SYMBOLIC DECORATION 91 small vase, figure 49, is one of the most remarkable ever obtained from the mounds. It consists of two winged and crested rattlesnakes which encircle the expanded part of the vessel, and of two sunflower- like figures alternating with them. These designs are carefully engraved with a needle-like point and are adjusted to the form of the vase in a way that suggests forethought and experience and an FiQ. 49— Bottle decorated with serpent designs, Arl^ansas. Tliree-fourths actual size. appreciation of the decoi-ative value of the figures. By dint of rub- bings, photographs, and sketches, a complete drawing of the various figures has been obtained, and they are given in figure 50 on a scale of about one-third actual size. The rosette figures probably represent the sun. There can be little doubt that the figures of this design are derived from the mythologic art of the people. Flo. 50 — Winged serpents and sun symbols from the vase illustrated in figure 49. The ancient potter of the central districts did not venture, save in very rare cases, to delineate the human figure graphicallj-, and such attempts as have come to hand do not do much credit to the artistic capacity of the people. A specimen is shown in figure 51, the four figures in simple lines occupying the periphery of the bod\' of a large plain bottle of the usual dark-colored ware of eastern A rkansas. 92 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 111 plate XIV we have selections from the very larg-e group of high- necked bottles. The piece shown in a is a good illustration of a type of form common to Missouri and Arkansas. The neck is high and cylindric and the body resembles a slightly flattened globe. Set about the shoulder are four medallion-like faces, the features of which are modeled roughly in low relief. The ware is of the ordinary dark, slightly polished variety. There are few vases from the mound region more pleasing in appearance than that shown in />. It is a black, well-polished bottle with neck expanding below and bodj' pecul- iarly flattened beneath. The body is encircled by a band of chaste and elaborate scroll work. A handsome bottle-shaped vase with flaring lip is shown in c. The neck widens toward the base and the bodj' is subglobular, being slightly conical above and rather abruptly expanded at the periphery. The surface is only moderately smooth. The body is ornamented with a hand- some design of incised lines, which con- sists of a scroll pattern, divided into four sections by perpendicular lines. The vase shown in cl is compound, and represents a bottle set within the mouth of a pot. The neck is high, wide, and flaring, and rests on the „ „ „ , . . ^ , back of a rudely-modeled frog, which Fig. 51— Bottle ornamented with four en- . ■' /. graved human figures, Arkansas. One- HeS extended On the upper SUrface fifth actual size. of the body. The notched encircling ridge, beneath the feet of the creature, represents the rim of the lower vessel, which is a pot with compressed globular body and short, wide neck. This vase is of the dark, dead-surfaced ware and is quite plain. Four vertical ridges take the place of handles. One of the most striking of the bottle-shaped vases is shown in e. It is symmetric, well-proportioned, and well-finished. The color is dark and the surface is roughened by a multitude of pits which have resulted from the decay of shell particles used for tempering. The paste crumbles to a brownish dust when struck or pressed forcibly. The most remarkable feature of the piece is the broad, convex, hood- like collar that encircles the neck and spreads out over the body like an inverted saucer. This collar is curiously wrought in incised lines and low ridges, by means of which grotesque faces, suggesting owls, are produced. The eyes are readily detected, being indicated by low knobs with central pits, each surrounded by three concentric circles. They are arranged in pairs on opposite sides. Between the eyes of each pair an incipient nose and mouth may be made out. The face is outlined below by the lower edge of the collar and above by a low indented ridge crossing the collar tangent to the base of the neck. The BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) a {ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 8 INCHES) C (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS HEIGHT 7t INCHES) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP i^/ Or ^£ORNiA> Bureau of American ethnology TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI a (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) h (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) C (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 95 INCHES) d (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 8i INCHES) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP ^^^^^'^Hv, (Ti a. UJ D -I o (I O O > O 5 2 5: QC W O 52 (/) CO o < > << ^C/r, 5«NHA- HOLMES] BOTTLES AND COMPOUND FORMS 93 most expanded part of the body is encircled b}' an incised pattern con- sisting of five sets of partially interlocked scrolls. A step in differentiation of form is illustrated in the vessels i>re- sented in plate xv. A flat bottom would serve to keep a tall Ijottle in an upright position on a hard, level floor, but a ring was still better, and could t)e added without deformation of the vessel. Annular bands of varying heights and shapes were used, several forms being illus- ti"ated in this plate. The tripod afforded even better support than the ring, and had come into common use with these people; four legs, in imitation of the legs of quadrupeds, were occasionally employed. The form of these supports is extremely varied, and some of the more usual types are illustrated in plate XVI. The first, a, is a large-necked, rather clumsj' vessel of ordinary workmanship, which rests on three globular legs. These are hollow, and the cavities connect with that of the bodj* of the vessel. . The whole surface is well polished and dark in color. The vessel depicted in 5 has a number of noteworthy features. It resembles the preceding in shape with the exception of the legs, which are flat, and have stepped or terraced margins. The whole surface of the vessel is a warm gray, and is decorated with characteristic designs in red and white. A stepped figure encircles the neck, and semicircu- lar figures in white appear on opposite sides at the top and base. The body is covered with scroll work in broad, red lines, the spaces being filled in with white. Each leg is half red and half white. The bottle c is from Missouri, and is of the plain dark wai'e. The specimen shown in d is finished in plain red. For the purpose of conveying an idea of the great variety of shape characterizing the simple bottles of this group and the boldness of the painted decoration the series presented in plate xvii have been assembled. The four pieces in the first group are of the plain, dark ware and have annular bases. Those of the second group are supported on tripods; the series beneath shows variations in the form of the body; and the specimens in the third line illustrate the use of designs in white, red, and black. ECCENTKIC AND COMPOUND FORMS Three vessels are shown in plate xviii a, h, and c which in form resemble the common teapot. The specimen shown in h is well made and carefully finished. A spout is placed on one side of the bodj' and a low knob on the other. The latter is not a handle but represents, rather, the head of an animal. These characters are repeated in most of the specimens of this type that have come to my notice. Two small circular depressions occur on the sides of the vessel alternating with the spout and the knob, and these four features form centers about which are traced four volutes connecting around the vessel. In 94 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 a lino red piece from Mississippi, now in the National Museum collec- tion (plate XL 5), the knob is replaced by the head of a turtle or other reiDtilc and the spout becomes the creature's tail. In connection with the teapot-like vessels it will be well to describe another novel form not wholly unlike them in appearance, an example being shown in d^ plate XVIII. The shoulder is elongated on opposite sides into two curved, .horn-like cones, which give to the body a somewhat crescent-shaped outline. The vessel is of the ordinary plain, dark ware and has had an annular base which is now broken away. Vases with arched handles, like those shown in e and y, are quite common. In some cases the handle is enlarged and the body reduced until the vessel assumes the appearance of a ring. Similar forms ai'e common in other parts of the American continent, especially in Peru. Vases of compound form are of frequent occurrence ii\ this region. A number of examples in outline have been assembled for convenience of comparison in plate vii, and many others could be added. LIFE FOKM8 Clay vessels imitating in form marine and fresh-water shells are .occasionallj' obtained from the mounds and graves of the Mississippi valley. The conch shell appears to have been a favorite model, espe- cially as modified for a drinking cup by the removal of one side of the walls and all the interior parts (plate xix, a and h). A two-story cup of the same class is shown in c. The clam shell is also imitated. The more conventional forms assumed by these vessels are especially inter- esting as illustrating the varied ways in which life forms modify the normal conventional shapes of vessels, thus widening the range of the art." A very good illustration of this class of vessel is given in d. It is evi- dently intended to imitate a trimmed conch shell. The apex and a few of the surrounding nodes are shown at the right, while the base or spine forms a projecting lip at the left. A coil of clay forms the apex, and is carried outward in a sinistral spiral to the noded shoulder. Excellent examples in claj', imitating clam shells, are illustrated in General Thruston's work on the Antiquities of Tennessee, plate vi (plate XLvii of this paper). In many countries the shape of earthen vessels has been profoundly influenced by vegetal forms and especially by the hard shells of fruits.* The gourd, the squash, and thococoanut are reproduced with great frequency. In many cases the shape of the body of vases not at once suggesting derivation from such forms may finally be traced to them. Thus the lobed bottles of Tennessee probablj' owe their chief characteristic to a lobed form of the gourd. In plate xixyand g «For studios of shell vessels and their influence on ceramic forms, see Second Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 192, and Fourth Annual Keport, Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 384 and 464. SThis subject is discussed in a paper on form and ornament m the ceramic art, Fourth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 446. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVlll a (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 3i INCHES) h (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) C (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 4 INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 7 INCHES) /' (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) BOTTLES OF ECCENTRIC SHAPE MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP : 0/7-y BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX d (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (MISSOURI, LENGTH 5i INCHES) / (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES) g (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 7 INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING SHELL AND GOURD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP Bureau of American ethnology TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX a (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 8 INCHES I b (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 4i INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) / (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLEC- TION, QNE-VHIRD) BOWLS IMITATING BIRD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP or rf,f y BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI a (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) C (MISSOURI, LENGTH 2 INCHES) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING BIRD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP 0^ THE UNIVERSITY OF ^c-^ '.-ifORNi^* BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII a IMISSOURI, HEIGHT 5i INCHES) b (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 6S INCHES) C (TENNESSEE, HEIGHT 9i INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING BIRD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII a (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) /' (MISSOURI, LENGTH 7* INCHES) C (MISSOURI, LENGTH 8 INCHES) d (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER Z\ INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRDl /(MISSOURI, DIAMETER 5j INCHES) i (ARKANSAS DAVENPORT ACADEMY COL- LECTION, ONE-THIRD) 7^ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING FISH AND BATRACHIAN FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV a (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING ANIMAL FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV a (ARKANSAS. DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) h (TENNESSEE, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) C (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) / (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) A (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COL- LECTION, ONE-THIRD) g (ARKANSAS, LENGTH lOi INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING ANIMAL FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP HOLJifts] VESSELS IMITATING ANIMAL FORMS 95 two examples of gourd-slmped vessels from Arkansas are given. The Tennessee forms are fully illustrated by General Thniston (work cited). Plates XX, xxT. xxii are intended to illustrate the treatment of animal forms by the ancient potter. The animals imitjited c-over a wide range, including probably a large percentage of the more important creatures of the Mississippi valley. The manner of applying the forms to the vessel is also extremely varied, making a detailed account quite impossible. The degree of realism is far from uniform. In many cases birds, fishes, and quadrupeds are modeled with such fidelity that a particular species is forcibly suggested, but the larger number of the imitations are rude and unsatisfactory. Many forms are grotesque, sometimes intentionally so. In plate xx are several illus- trations of the manner of applying bird forms to the elaboration and embellishment of bowls. Specimens a and 1> are from southeastern Missouri. The peculiar form of head seen in a is found all over the lower Mississippi and Gulf regions, while the example c has the head turned inward, and resembles a vulture or buzzard. In d two heads are attached, both grotesque, but having features suggestive of birds. A finely modeled and finished bird-shaped bottle is shown in <;. It is finished in red, black, and white, the wings being striped with red and white. The heads in h and /"appear to have human features, but it is not improbable that the conception was of a bird or at most of a bird-man compound. A very striking specimen is shown in plate xxi*/. the neck of the bird being unusually prolonged. In l> the bird is placed on its back, the head and feet forming the handles of the vessel. The wings are rudely represented by incised lines on the body of the vessel. Other bird forms are shown in plate xxii. The delineation of the painted specimen c is unusually realistic, and the general appearance recalls very forcibly the painted owl vases of the Tusayan tribes and the more ancient occupants of the valley of the Rio Colorado. The usual manner of treating forms of fish is shown in plate xxiii a, 5, and c. The exceptional application of the fish form to a bottle is illustrated in d. The frog or toad was a favorite subject for the aboriginal potter, and two ordinary examples are presented in e and/". The originals of g and h are not readily made out. The use of mammalian forms in vase elaboration is illustrated in plates xxiv and xxv. There can be but little doubt that the potter had a deer in mind when plate xxrva was modeled, while 5 suggests the opossum. But the originals for the specimens presented in plate xxv are not readily identified, and the head in e is decidedly grotesque, although it is not impossible that the particular species of animal intended in this and in other cases may finally be made out. Plates XXVI, xxvii, and xxviir serve to illustrate some of the varied methods of employing the human figure in ceramic art. In plate xxvi five bottles are shown; a represents the entire figure, and l the entire 96 ABORIGINAL POTTKRY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES Ieth,axn.20 figure seated upon the globular body of the vessel, while c and d are average examples of the hunchback figures so common in the art of this region. It seems probable that persons sufl'ering from this class of deformity were regarded as having certain magic powers or attri- butes. A small blackish bottle, capped with a rudelj' modeled human head, is illustrated in e. The opening in all of these figurines is at the top or back of the head. A number of novel forms are given in plate xxvii. In a the heavy figure of a man extended at full length forms the bodj' of the bottle. The treatment of the figure is much the same in ^, and other forms ai*e shown in c, d, e, andy. A very interesting specimen is shown in plate XXVIII. The figure represents a woman potter in the act of modeling a vase. In plate xliii we have two examples of the remarkable head vases, probably mortuary utensils, found in considerable numbers in gi-aves in eastern Arkansas and contiguous sections of other states. The faces have been covered with a whitish wash well rubbed down, the remainder of the surface being red. Fuller descriptive details are given in preceding pages and in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Additional specimens are shown in plates XXIX, XXX, XXXI, and xxxii. Specimen a of plate xxix has two owl- like faces modeled in low relief on opposite sides of the body, and l is embellished with a well-suggested human ma.sk painted white and having closed eyes. The striking vessel presented in c and in plate XLiii h and plate xxx serves well as a type of the mortuary death's- head vases, and the various illustrations will serve to convej- a very complete idea of their character. So well is the modeling done and so well is the expression of death on the face suggested that some students have reached the conclusion that this and other specimens of the same class are bona fide death masks, made possibly by coating the dead face with clay and allowing it to harden, then pressing plastic clay into this mold. Mr Dellenbaugh" has urged this view, but it is diflScult to discover satisfactory evidence of its correctness. Most of the heads and faces of this group are so diminutive in size and so eccentric in shape that ordinary modeling was necessarilj- emplo3-ed, and this implies the skill necessary to model the larger specimens. This head (plate xxx), which is the largest of the group, is onlv 6 inches in height, and if cast from the actual face, would thus repre- sent a young person or one of diminutive size. My own feeling is that to people accustomed to model all kinds of forms in clay, as were these potters, the free-hand shaping of such heads would be a less difiicult and remarkable undertaking than that of molding and casting the face, these latter branches of the art being apparently unknown to the mound-building tribes. a Dellenbaugh, F. S., Death mask in ancient American pottery, American Anthropologist, Feb- ruary 1S97. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI a (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 5} INCHES) C (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAh, .j.\vl NIORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) h (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 9J INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN FORM MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII b (ARKANSAS, WIDTH 7 INCHES) f (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 8j INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN FORM MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII VESSEL REPRESENTING THE POTTER AT WORK (INDIANA) MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP (HEIGHT 7 INCHES) {V^'f ART ' O' T IE HOLMES] VES3ELS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN HEAD 97 In form this particular vessel is a simple head, 6 inches in height and <; inches wide from ear to ear. The aperture of the vase is in the crown, and is .surrounded by a low. upright rim, slightly recurved. The cavity is roughly linished, and follows pretty closely the contour of the exterior surface, except in projecting features such as the ears, lips, and nose. The walls are from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch in thickness, the base being about three-eighths of an inch thick. The bottom is flat, and on a level with the chin and jaw. The material does not diflfer from that of the other vessels of the same locality. It contains a large percentage of shell, some particles of which are quite large. The paste is yellowish gray in color and rather coarse in texture. The vase was modeled in the plain clay and permitted to harden before the devices were engraved. Afterward a thick film of fine yellowish-gray clay was applied to the face, partially filling up the engraved lines. The remainder of the surface, includ- ing the lips, received a thick coat of dark red paint. The whole sur- face was then polished. The illustrations will convey a more vivid conception of this strik- ing head than any description that can be given. The face can not be said to have a single feature strongly characteristic of Indian physi- ognomy ; instead, we have the round forehead and the projecting chin of the African. The nose, however, is small and the nostrils are narrow. The face would seem to be intended for that of a j'oung person, perhaps a female. The features are well modeled, and the artist must have had in his mind a pretty definite conception of the face to be produced, as well as of the expression appropriate to it, before begin- ning his work. It is possible even that the portrait of a jmrticular face was intended. The closed eyes, the rather sunken nose, and the parted lips were certainly intended to give the effect of death. The ears are large, correctly placed, and well modeled; they are perfo- rated all along the margins, thus revealing a practice of the people whom they represented. The septum of the nose appears to have been pierced, and the horizontal depression across the upper lip may indicate the former presence of a nose ornament. Perhaps the most unique and striking feature is the pattern of incised lines that covers the greater part of the face. The lines are deeply engraved and somewhat "• scratchy," and were apparently exe- cuted in the hardened clay before the slip or wash of clay was applied. The left side of the face is plain, excepting for a figure somewhat resembling a grappling hook in outline, which partially surrounds the eye. The right side is covered with a comb-like pattern, placed ver- tically with the teeth upward. The middle of the forehead has a series of vertical lines and a few short horizontal ones just above the root of the nose (see plate xxx). In plate xxixo an outline of the front face is given, and the engraved figure is projected at the 20 ETH— 03 7 I 98 ABOBIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.axx.20 side. The significance of these marKings, which no doubt represent tattooed or painted figures, can only be surmised in the most general way. It happens that some i-ather indistinct markings at the corner of the mouth have been omitted in the engraving. It is observed that on the forehead, at the top, there is a small loop or perforated knob. Similar appendages may be seen on many of the clay human heads from this valley. A Mexican terra-cotta head, now jn the Museo Nacional, Mexico, has a like feature, and. at the same time, has closed eyes and an open mouth. A head covering, possibly the hair conventionally treated, extenas over the forehead and falls in a double fold over the back of the head, terminating in points behind, as is seen in plate xxixc. Another vase of a very similar character, now in the Davenport, Iowa, Museum, is about one-half the size of this. The face is much muti- lated. A third specimen, also in the Davenport collection, is somewhat larger than the one illustrated in plates xxixc and xxx, but is nearly the same in finish and color. The face has the same semblance of death, but the features are different, possessing somewhat decided Indian characteristics, and there is no tattooing. The specimen shown in plate xliiia, and again in plate xxxi, was exhumed at Pecan point by agents of the Bureau of Ethnology. In size, form, color, finish, modeling of features, and expression, this head closely resembles the one first described. The work is not quite so carefully executed and the head probably has not such pronounced individuality. The curious engraved device that, in the other example, appeared near the left eye here occurs on both sides. The lower part of the face is elaborately engraved. Three lines cross the upper lip and cheeks, reaching to the ear; a band of fret-like devices extends across the mouth to the base of the ears, and another band, filled in with oblique, reticulated lines, passes around the chin and along the jaws. The ears are perforated as in the other case, and the septum of the nose is partly broken away as if it had once held a ring. A perforated knob has occupied the top of the forehead as in the other examples. The face is coated with a light yellowish-gray wajh, and the remainder of the surface is red. Four additional examples of the death's head vases are shown in plate xxxii. They present varied characteristics in detail, but all cor- respond closely in the more important features of form and expression. TOBACCX) PIPES In the East and Northeast the clay tobacco pipes of the aborigines were often superior in execution, design, and decoration to the ordi- nary utensils of clay associated with them. In the central and south- western sections pipes were for the most part remarkably rude and without grace of outline, and generally without embellishment, while BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGy TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX a (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES) b (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 6.- INCHES) C (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, HEIGHT 6i INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP '^'V B R A ,?>. 0-- TIE UNIVERSITY OF Sii^Uj FORNIX •tf- ^ 1 VESSEL IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD (ARKANSAS) MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP (HFIfSHT eM INf-HC<;) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI VESSEL IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD, ARKANSAS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP (HEIGHT 6,1 INCHESI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII a (HEIGHT 6K lrJCHE<;) b (HEIGHT 4H INCHES) C (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) i w d (HEIGHT bM INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD, (ARKANSAS) MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII a (ARKANSAS, MOOREHEAD COLLECTION, LENGTH OF BASE 2'. INCHES) b (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2i INCHES) C (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2j INCHES) d (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2i INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 4i INCHES) f (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2j INCHES) TOBACCO PIPES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV a (KENTUCKY, DIAMETER 4i INCHES) h (TENNESSEE, DIAMETER 43 INCHES) C (TENNESSEE, LENGTH 6 INCHES) TROWELS OR MODELING IMPLEMENTS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP X I R R ,A^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV MODELING IMPLEMENTS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP CONE-HALF) > o o CO I- 'Z. UJ UJ - D UJ -J Z -I < 5 C/5 _ 0. 5 w w o to (T t^ H s m UJ O -I o OJ o ILl 5 o < Li. OC 3 CO X UJ > z o o HOLMES] PIPKS AND MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES 99 tne earthenware of the same territory wa.s well made and exhil)it.s pro- nounced indications of esthetic appreciation on the part of the potters. A number of the pipes of the middle Mississippi province are illus- trated in plate xxxiii. Generally they are made of the same admix- tures of daj' and pulverized shell as are the associated vessels. The colors are the ordinarj- dark and j-ellowish-gra}' shades of the })aked clay. Traces of blackening by use are obsei-ved, and the bowls in a few instances are still partly filled with the compacted black ash left presumably b\- the natiAe smoker. The shapes are simple, being as a rule slight modifications of a heavy bent tube somewhat constricted at the elbow and expanding toward the ends. Both openings are large and conic and are often nearlj^ equal in capacity and closely alike in shape. Without modification of the fundamental outlines, many varieties of shape were produced, the most common being a flattening of the base as though to permit the l)owl to rest steadily on the ground while the smoking wes going on, probably through a long tube or stem. This flattening is in many cases accompanied by an expansion at the mar- gins, as in plate xxxm a, h, or by a flattish projection beyond the elbow, as in e. Occasionally the shape is elaborated to suggest rudely the form of some animal, the projection at the elbow being divided and rounded off as though to represent the knees of a kneeling figure, and in rare cases various features of men or other creatures are more fully brought out. In one instance the projection at the elbow becomes an animal head, in another medallion-like heads are set on around the upper part of the bowl. In a and c incised figures have been executed in a rather rude way, the motives corresponding with those found on the earthen vessels of the same region. The specimen shown in a was lent by Mr Warren K. Moorehead. Other variations of the tjpe are illustrated in McGuire's Pipes and Smoking Customs, pp. o30-o3o. Typical as well as variouslj- modified forms of this varietj' of pipe are found in Tennessee. Alabama, Georgia. Florida, and, more rarely, in other states." MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES The art of the modeler was directed in the main toward the making and embellishing of vessels, yet solid figurines of men and animals and heads of men, mostly small and rude as though merely toys or funeral offerings, are now and then secured by collectors. Specimens are illustrated in the introduction and in connection with various groups of ware. In plates xxxiv and xxxv sevei-al articles are brought together to illustrate the use of clay in the manufacture of implements, personal ornaments, and articles of unknown or problematic use or significance. The specimens shown in plate xxxiv represent a rather rare variety of n For southern pipes see the various papers of Clarence B. Moore. 100 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 implement, already described in the introduction. They seem to he adapted to use as trowels or tinishinjr tools for plastered walls or floors. They are found mainly in Tennessee. The discoidal smooth- ing surface shows generally a decided polishing hy use, and the looped handle is manifestly intended for grasping, in the manner of a com- mon smoothing iron. These implements could have served, however, in the modeling of large earthenware vessels, or as crushers or pul- verizers of foods or paints. Illustrations of a large class of stopper- like or mushroom-shaped forms that may have been used as modeling or smoothing tools in pottery making, as indicated in the introductorj' section, are included in plate xxxv. That the functions of these objects and those given in the preceding plate are similar or identical is indicated by the character of the convex polishing surface shown in plate' XXXVI. Illustrations of earthenware earrings, labrets, a small rattle and the pellets derived from it are given in the introduction. DECORATrVE DESIGNS Plate XXXVII is introduced for the purpose of conveying an idea of the character and range of the decorative designs most usual in this region. Manj- of the more elementarj' forms are omitted. The more elaborate meanders, twined designs, and scrolls ai'e incised. Another group of designs, embodying man}- sj'mbolic devices, is given in plate xxxviii. These are executed usualh' in red and white paint. From the beginning of my rather disconnected studies of the orna- mental art of the native tribes, I have taken the view that, as a rule, the delineative devices employed were sjniibolic; that thej- were not primarily' esthetic in function, but had a more serious significance to the people using them. When vases were to be devoted to certain ceremonial ends, particular forms were made and designs were added because they had some definite relation to the uses of the vessels and were believed to add to their efiicacj\ The studies of Dr J. Owen Dorsey, Mr Gushing, Mrs Stevenson, Miss Fletcher, Dr Fewkes, and others have little by little lifted the veil of uncertainty from the whole group of aboriginal delineative phenomena, and the literal significance and function of a multitude of the designs are now known. We thus learn that the devices and delineations on the Mississippi valle_v pottery are sj'mbols derived from mythology. Stellar and lobed figures and circles probably represent the stars, the sun, or the horizon circle. The cross, the various forms of volutes and scrolls, and the stepped figures represent the four winds, the clouds, and rain ; and the reptiles, quadru- peds, birds, men, and monsters are connected with the samegroupof phe- nomena. The vessels marked with these figures were no doubt devoted to pai'ticular functions in the ceremonial activities of the people. Plate xxxvii presents a series of the purely formal designs. Speculation as to the significance of particular foruis of these figures is probably BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII ^^B ^^i^^a ■ DECORATIVE DESIGNS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY OROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY o. A&• (3 O a. O _j o o z >- lU a -1 UJ X -J < > o Q z s LU X H IC < 111 I o i lU I 2 iJ i o _J o z cc O _i O o z >- D UJ ul -J X 5 «) z LL (A (rt CO to _J W UJ CO s CO UJ LU -1 > o a z s UJ I H cc < UJ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII ''' (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) fl (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 4 INCHES) '' (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) (1 (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 8j< INCHES) EARTHEN VESSELS FINISHED IN COLOR MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY f.l (HEIGHT 6 INCHES) ll (HEIGHT 6^ INCHES) EARTHEN VESSELS FINISHED IN COLOR MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY u CO HI z UJ < z LU I I- ir < UJ r c V, "^ o -- O -Ji\ I'- ' . \'^ \^, ") '"- -. ^^ \o "■ ' , '<" -a\ % ""A -^i ^ --^^ > UJ u CO CO LU z z I- O rr LU S IE < z u I t- < LU O 01 « HI LU CO 1" < °«fl ■ti rn ^3) lO- ' ?3 i>i h 03 "^ajj W/ — ^ i 7 \ -< / HOLMES] PAINTED VASES, MISSISSIPPI VALLEY 101 quite unnecessary, since the genei-al nature of all is so well understood. Definite explanations must come from a study of the present people and usages, and among the Mississippi valley tribes there are no doubt many direct survivals of the ancient forms. Mr C. C. Willoughby has discussed this topic at length in a paper published in the Journal of American Folk -Lore. The same region furnishes man}' similar symbols engraved on shell, bone, and stone. PAINTED VASES Several specimens, selected to illustrate the interesting color treat- ment so characteristic of this group of potteiy, are presented in plates XXXIX, XL, XLi, XLii, and xliii. The flattish bottle, plate xxxix a, is by no means as handsome or elaborate in its designs as ai'e others in our collections, but it serves quite well to illustrate the class. The red color of the spaces and figures is applied over the light yellowish ground of the paste and is carefully polished down. The specimens reproduced in plates xl, xli, and xlii have been referred to and suf- ficiently described in preceding pages. An exceptionally fine example of the colored human figure is given in plate xxxix h. Parts of the head and body are finished in red, other parts and the necklace are in white, while certain spaces show the original yellowish gray color of the paste. POTTERY OF TENNESSEE I am so fortunate as to be able to add a number of plates (xliv, xrv, xLvi, xLvii, XLViii, xLix, and l) illustrating the wares of the Cumberland valley, Tennessee, and especially of the Nashville district. These plates appeared first in Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee, and I am greatly indebted to this author for the privilege cf icpio- ducing them here. POTTERY OF THE LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY Archeologic investigation has not extended into the central south- ern states save in a few widely sepaj'ated localities, and enough material has not been collected to permit a full and connected study of the primitive art of the province. It would seem from present information that the region of the lower Mississippi is not so rich in fictile products as are many other sections; at any rate our museums and collections are not well supplied with material from this part of the South, and literature furnishes but biief references to the practice of the ceramic art (see Introduction). Some fugitive relics have come into the possession of museums, and on these we must mainly rely for our present knowledge of the subject. Much of the earthenware appears to be nearly identical with, or closely allied to, that of the middle Mississippi region, as well as with that of the Gulf coast far- ther east. 102 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 A large series of the vases from Louisiana and Texas would, if they were broui^ht together, undoubtedly- 3'ield many points of interest with respeet to the influence of Mexican and Pueblo art on that of this province. Such a series would also be of much value in connection with the history of the various tribes occupying the valley wlien it was first visited by the French. Du Pratz and Butel-Dumont have left us brief but valuable records of the practice of the art in this section, but we are not definitely informed which of the various peoples were referred to in their accounts. In those days no distinction was made between the linguistic families, although Jsatchesan, Tonikan, Caddoan, Muskhogean, and Siouan i^eoples were encountered. So far as the evidence furnished by the collections goes, there is but one variety of the higher grade of products. Citations regarding the practice of the art in this province have been made under the head Manufacture, and need not be repeated here. Fig. 62 — Bowl made by Choctaw Indians about 1800 (diameter 9i inches). The only specimen of recent work from this province which is pre- served in the national collections is a blackish bowl, well polished and ornamented with a zone of incised lines encircling the body. It is illustrated in figure 52. The record shows that it was made by the Choctaw Indians at Covington, St Tammany parish, Louisiana, about the year 1860. It is said that the art is still practiced to a limited extent by these people. The highest types of vases from Louisiana and Mississippi have but slight advantage over the best wares of the St Francis and Cumber- land valle3's. The simpler culinarj^ wares are much the same from St Louis to New Orleans. Some localities near the Gulf furni.sh sherds of pottery as primitive as anything in the country, and this is consistent with the early observations of the condition of the natives. The Natchez and other tribes were well advanced in many of the arts, while numerous tribes appear to have been, at times at least, poverty- stricken wanderers without art or indastry worth}' of mention. It is possible that the primitive forms of ware found on some of these BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI e (MISSISSIPPI, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (LOUISIANA, DIAMETER 5 INCHES) d (LOUISIANA, HEIGHT 65 INCHES) VASES WITH INCISED DESIGNS LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Lll a (LOUISIANA, HEIGHT A'A INCHES) b (MISSISSIPPI, HEIGHT 4 INCHES) C (MISSISSIPPI, DIAMETER 6 INCHES) d (MISSISSIPPI, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) e (MISSISSIPPI, HEIGHT 4Ji INCHES) VASES WITH INCISED DESIGNS LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP Bureau of AMEfircAN ethnology Twentieth annual JieporT pl. LiiI INCISED DESIGNS FROM VASES SHOWN IN PLATES LI AND Lll LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY POTTERY 103 southern sites maj- represent the art of the archaic ancestors of the more advanced peoples of the valley, but at ])resent we seem to have no means of settling such a point. It is well known, however, that single communities produced at the same time a wide range of wai'e, the style, material, shape, and finish depending on the uses of the vessels or on the haste with which they were prepared. At Troy- ville, Catahoula county, Louisiana, for example, a mound examined by agents of the Bureau of Ethnologj' yielded almost every variety and grade of ware known in the South and Southwest, including coarse shell-tempered ware, silicious ware, fine argillaceous ware, stamped ware, red ware, fabric-marked ware, and incised ware. Of great interest, on account of the perfection of its finish, is a. variety of pottery found in graves and mounds on the lower Missis- sippi and on Red river. Daniel Wilson published a cut representing some tj'pical specimens of this ware from Lake Washington, Washing- ton county, Mississippi." Several years ago a number of fine examples of the same ware, labeled "Galtneys," were lent to the National Museum by the Louisiana State Seminarj' at Baton Rouge. Photo- graphs of some of these vessels were kept, but the Curator made no definite record of their origin or ownership. A small number of pieces of the same ware are to be found in the various collections of the country, notably in the Free Museum of Science and Art, Phila- delphia. The most striking characteristics of the better examples of this ware ai"e the black color and the mechanical perfection of construc- tion, surface finish, and decoration. The forms are varied and .sym- metric. The black surface is highly polished and is usually decorated with incised patterns. The .scroll was the favorite decorative design, and it will be difficult to find in any part of the world a more chaste and elaborate treatment of this motive. In plate Lia a photograph of a small globular vase or bottle marked "Galtneys" is reproduced. The design is engraved with great precision in deep, even lines, and covers nearlj' the entire surface of the vase; it consists of a double row of volutes (plate und) linked together in an intricate and charming arrangement, corresponding closely to fine examples from Mycene and Egypt. A skilled draftsman would find the task of exe- cuting this design with equal precision on a plane surface extremely trying, and we can but marvel at the skill of the potter who could produce it, properly spaced and connected in every particular, on the surface of the globular va.se. Farther up the Mississippi there are examples embodying the same conception of compound volutes, but the combinations are much less complex and masterly. In plate li four other vases, all presumably of this group, have been brought together. They do not differ widely from the pottery of the "Wilson, Daniel, Prehistoric man, London, 1862, vol. ii, pp. 21-22. 104 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 St Francis river region, and may be regaraod, it .seem.s to me, a.s (>xcep- tional examples of the same general group of ware. The little bottle e contains a rather rudely engraved figure of an eagle, the head appear- ing on one side, and the tail, pointed upward, on the other. The par- ticular locality from which the bottle came is not known. Ware closely related to the Middle and Lower Mississippi pottery is found in Texas, but its limitations on the west are not yet defined. Examples of the more elaborate incised designs belonging to this groujj of ware are brought together in plate uii. The vessels illustrated in plate lii arc now preserved in the Museum of Science and Art in Philadelphia, and were kindly placed at my dis- posal by Dr Stewart Culin, of that museum. Thej' form part of the Dickerson collection recently acquired and reported on by Dr Culin." It is noteworthy that the designs engraved on these vases bear a striking resemblance to the scroll work of the middle Mississippi valley- on the north and of the Gulf coast farther east, and it is to be expected that these designs will be found to affiliate closely with Mexican work, as do the forms of many of the vessels. POTTERY OF THE GULF COAST Occurrence Along the Gulf coast east of the delta of the Mississippi pottery is found in many localities and under varying conditions. The features most characteristic of the wares of the West recur with decreasing frequency and under less typical forms until Florida is reached. Features typical of Appalachian and Floridian wares make their appearance east of Pensacola bay. The manner of occurrence of the ceramic: remains of the Gulf region is interesting. In many cases several varieties of ware are inter- mingled on a single site. This is especially true of some of the kitchen- midden and shell-mound sites, which, it would seem, must have been the resort of different tribes, and even of distinct linguistic families, who visited the tide-water shores from time to time in search of shellfish. In the mounds, however, the conditions are simpler, and in cases we seem to have the exclusive product of a single people. This simplicitj' in the burial pottery may be due to the fact that only particular forms of ware were used for moituary purposes. With some peoples, as has been already noted, certain kinds of vessels were devoted exclusively to culinary uses. Remains of the latter utensils will be found very generally in shell deposits, and it is in these deposits and not in the mounds that we would expect to find the wares of non- resident communities. n Culin, Stewart, Bulletin of the Department of Archieology and Paleontology, University of Penn- sylvania, vol. II, number 3. "f"*"-"] POTTERY OF THE GULF COAST 105 Speculation as to the peoples to whom these wares should be attrib- uted will for the present bo pructically unavailing. It is probable that the Muskhogean tribes occupied the coast rather fully between the delta of the Mississippi and Tampa bay, but several linguistic stocks must have had access to this important source of food supply. Even the Siouan family was represented (by the ancestors of the Biloxi of to-day), and it is not impo.ssibIe that some of the ware, especially that embodying animal figures, may be due to the presence or influence of this people. Strangely enough, in the national collections from south- western Alabama there is a lot of sherds exhibiting typical features of the peculiar pottery of New York state, which seems to belong to the Iroquoian tribes. It is possible,, however, that the Museum record may be defective and that the association is accidental. Mobile-Pensacola Ware The leading group of ware found along the great northern curve of the Gulf coast is well represented by the contents of mounds situated on Mobile, Perdido, Pensacola, and Choctawhatchee bays. The National Museum has a large series of vessels from a mound on Perdido bay, obtained by Francis H. Parsons and other members of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey about the year 1889. Recent explorations conducted by Clarence B. Moore at several points along the tidewater shores of the Gulf have supplied a wonderful series of vases now preserved in the Museum of the Academy of Natural Sci- ences, Philadelphia. These collections have been very generously placed at my disposal by Mr Moore, and as they belong in the main to the same ceramic group with the Parsons finds, all will be presented together. The range of form in this group is quite wide, but not equal to that in the pottery of the Arkansas region. If the collec- tions were equally complete from the two regions, this relation might be changed, yet it is still apparent that the western ware has the advantage in a number of essentials. In the Mobile-Pensacola district few traces of painted vessels have been found, and there is apparently less .symmetry of outline and less refinement of finish than in the best products of the West. ' There are cups, bowls, shallow and deep pots, and a few bottles, besides a number of compound and eccentric forms, but the deep pot, the tripod vase, and the slender-necked bottles are practically absent. Such pots as occur show, as they do in the West, indications of use over fire, and it is worthy of remark that some of them correspond to western cooking vessels in being provided with handles and in having bands of crude ornamentation incised or relieved about the rim and neck, while others, occurring always in fragments, approach the eastern type, which is without handles and is characterized by an oblong body, somewhat conic below, and by stamp-finished surfaces. 106 ABORIGINAL POTTKRY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ans.20 The paste is line and silicious. with but little distinjfuishable temper- ing: its eolors are yellowish or brownish gvayti, rarel.y approaching black, and the surface is even, though seldom verj- highly polished. The walls are thin and of uniform thickness. Animals and animal features modeled in relief and in the round are attached to the vases or enter into their form in much the same manner as in the "West, l)ut with less frequency and freedom. They have, however, perhaps a greater interest on account of the peculiar and very definite correla- tion of the incised designs on the vases with the modeled life forms. This subject will receive attention separately farther on. The pottery is nearly all obtained from burial mounds, and it is observed that the vases in most, if not all, cases have been perforated or broken before consignment to the graves. This custom extended eastward through Georgia and Florida to the Atlantic coast, but it was practically unknown in the North and West. The Parsons collection of pottery was obtained from a sand mound on Bear point, Alabama. Nearly all the pieces were broken, but otherwise they were so well preserved that many have been restored to much their original appearance under my supervision. Illustrations of a large number of the simpler forms are given in plate liv. From shallow bowls we pass to deeper forms and to globular vessels. A few specimens are cylindric, and occasionaly a wide-mouthed bottle is encountered. One specimen has a handle and resembles a ladle in form. The outlines are generally graceful, the walls thin, and the rims inconspicuous and neat. The incised designs are lightly and freely drawn, and include a wide range of formal figures, from simple groups of straight lines to widely diversified forms of meanders and scrolls. Life-form elements, often obscure, appear in numerous cases. In plate LV three of the large bowls are presented. These exhibit characteristic varieties of form, and all are embellished with incised designs embodying life elements which are referred to later on in this section. Plate isvia is a neat little jar with incised meander and step design from the Bear Point mound. It is also shown in outline in plate liv. In b is introduced a bottle of northern type from Frank- lin county, Mississippi. It is of special interest, since it contains a painted design, c, embodying the most prevalent Gulf Coast life-form device, and is, at the same time, nearly duplicated by a similar bottle from near Nashville, Tennessee, illustrated by Thruston in his work, figure 40. Part of plate lvi and plates lvii, lviii, and lix are devoted to the presentation of life forms. A rather remarkable piece, resembling middle Mississippi forms, is illustrated in plate lvi d. The head of a bird, probably intended for an owl, forms the apex of a full-bodied bottle, the funnel-shaped open- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV VASES FROM A MOUND ON PERDIDO BAY. GULF COAST GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LV a (GEORGIA, DIAMETER 13j INCHES) b (ALABAMA, DIAMETER 8 INCHES) r (ALABAMA, DIAMETER 19 INCHES) LARGE BOWLS WITH INCISED DESIGNS GULF COAST GROUP '"<, Or ' bUREALi OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV "TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI a (ALABAMA, HEIGHT 4i| INCHES) b (MISSISSh iT 8 INCHES) ■■mi^J^f^ \ d I ALABAMA, DIAMETER 6 INCHES i ,'V^-, \ iT ■ ■ ■,ve» - e (ALABAMA, DIAMETER 3 INCHESI VASES VARIOUSLY DECORATED GULF COAST GROUP Sfry \ ?S(1A BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVII VASES WITH ENGRAVED FIGURES OF BIRDS AND SERPENTS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVIII HEADS OF BIRDS AND ANIMALS USED AS VASE ORNAMENTS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP 6UREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX 6 (HEIGHT 4i INCHES) a (HEIGHT 3i INCHES) e (HEIGHT 3J INCHES) d (HEIGHT 4i INCHES) HEADS OF MEN AND BIRD USED AS VASE ORNAMENTS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP *££N lA BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX a (DIAMETER li; INCHES) h (DIAMETER 5i INCHES) c (DIAMETER 111 INCHES) VASES WITH INCISED DESIGNS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI a (ALABAMA, MOORE COLLECTION, DIAMETER 13 INCHES) b (FLORIDA, MOORE COLLECTION, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) C (FLORIDA, MOORE COLLECTION, DIAMETER 14 INCHES). VASES WITH INCISED DESIGNS GULF COAST GROUP Hoi-«Es] LIKE FOKMS IN DECORATION 107 ing being placed at the back of the neck. The wings and other features of the body appear to have been depicted in incised lines. The little vase shown in plate lvi<;, from the Bear Point mound, is cleverly modeled to represent a frog, and shows close analogies with the Missis- sippi vallej' work. The builders of the sand mounds on Perdido bay seem occasionally to have executed very elaborate engravings of eagles and serpents on cylindric cups, which probabl}' served as ceremonial drinking vessels; illusti-ations are given in plate lvii. The first figure, a, represents the base of a cup which is encircled by the engraving of an eagle; the second figure, h, represents a fragment of a handsome cup of similar shape, and serves to indicate the relation of the figure of the bird to the rim of the cup. Part of the tail, talons, and wing are shown. In c we have all that remains of the design on the cup a projected at full length. The strange figure illustrated in d was obtained from much shattered fragments of a well-made and neatly finished cup of cylindric shape. It seems to represent the tails of three rattlesnakes, the lines joined at the right as if to represent a single body. In plate lviii a, b, c, d, and e, we have examples of the modeling of heads of birds and other creatures for bowl embellishments. The treatment closely resembles that seen in more western work. Here, as in the Mississippi country, the duck is a favorite subject. In ./we have a grotesque creature common in the art of the West. An eagle is well shown in e, and what appears to be the head of a serpent or turtle with a stick in its mouth is given in I>. This feature appears in the wares of Tennessee and Arkansas, the animal imitated being a beaver. Additional specimens appear in plate lix, three representing the human head and one the head of a bird. These are not figurines in the true sense, but are merely heads broken from the rims of bowls. Mr Moore's collections from the Bear Point mounds furnish several very well-preserved specimens of bowls and vases with wide mouths and narrow collars, besides a number of heads of birds and mammals of usual types, derived, no doubt, from the rims of bowls. All repeat rather closely the finds of Mr Parsons, shown in plates liv to lix. Specimens from Mr Moore's collections are presented in plates lx and Lxi. POTTEEY OF THE ALABAMA RiVEK Before passing eastward it will be well to notice the collections made by Mr Clarence B. Moore in the valleys of the Alabama and Tombig- bee. An examination of the superb series of vases obtained from mounds at several points between Mobile and Montgomery makes it clear that the Gulf Coast tribes extended inland well up toward the middle of the state. Below Montgomery there is hardly a trace of 108 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.an-n.20 the South Appalachian wares and only a trace of the Tennessee influ- ence. The differences noted in passinf^ northward from the coast are the larger size of the vessels, the more frequent occurrence of pot forms and bottle shapes, and the coarser and more silicious character of the paste. The decorations are almost wholly of Gulf Coast types. The use of some of the larger vessels in burial is well ilhistrated in plate Lxii. Plate lxiii contains a large bowl with animal-derived incised designs, and below is a splendid specimen of pot or caldron, 18 inches in diameter. It is characterized, as are others of the same group, by a line of vertical ridges encircling the upright neck. In plate Lxrv have been brought together a well-shaped bottle, of north- ern or western tj^pe, embellished with simph; incised sci'oll work, and two tobacco pipes. One of the latter, i, is somewhat suggestive of Appalachian fomis, and the other, c, is of the heavy southern tj'pe. Pottery of Choctawhatchee Bay The next point east of Pensacola bay at which Mr Moore obtained collections is Waltons Camp, situated at the western limit of Choctaw- hatchee bay, Florida. In the main the ware repeats Perdido bay forms, as will be seen by reference to plates lxv, lxvi, lxvii. Three typical bowls are given in plate lxv, and two platters, one with plain circular margin and the other with six scallops, are shown in plate lxvi. The form is exceptional, and all the pieces have been perfor- ated on burial. The incised designs of the scalloped specimen prob- ably represent the fish. In plate lxvii have been assembled outlines of a large number of the Waltons Camp specimens. They serve for comparison with collections from points east and west. We are here within the range of the stamped ware typical of the Appalachian province, and a fragment with a simple angular type of filfot figure is shown in figure 53. Among the animal forms obtained at this point are two strongly modeled heads of large size, apparently representing geese. Shell forms arc common (see plate lxvii), and the engraved designs, treated farther on, are striking and instructive. From four sites along the northern and eastern shores of Choctawhatchee bay Mr Moore obtained large and very interesting collections. Perdido bay and western forms prevail, but there is a strong infusion of elements of Appa- lachian and Floridian art. A fragment of a cylindric bowl with the head of a duck modeled in relief at the top and conventional incised figures representing the body below appears in plate Lxviii «; and two views of a hunchback-figure vase are given in h and c. Of special interest is a small jar or bottle from a mound on Jolly "Moore, Clarence B., Certain aboriginal remains of the Alabama river, In Journal of the Academy of Sciences, vol. xi, Philadelphia, 1899. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII a (DIAMETER BB 17-i INCHES) 6 (DIAMETER 17i INCHES) BURIAL VASES WITH COVERS, ALABAMA QULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII a (DIAMETER 14i INCHES) b (DIAMETER 17j INCHES) VESSELS OF LARGE SIZE WITH INCISED AND RELIEVED ORNAMENTS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIV a (DIAMETER 4i INCHES) b (ACTUAL SIZE) e (ACTUAL SIZE) BOTTLE WITH SCROLL DESIGN AND TOBACCO PIPES, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV a (DIAMETER 16i INCHES) 6 (DIAMETER 12} INCHES) e (DIAMETER tbi INCHES) BOWLS WITH INCISED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) Bureau of American ethnologv TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVI a (DIAMETER 14} INCHES) 6 (DIAMCTEH 13 INCHES) 11 *-r-rrr»o tA/i-ri_i iM^iocrv ncoi^MO d rM:iir\* BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII VESSELS WITH INCISED DESIGNS, FLORIDA QULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) oV'^/ry BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII m^t r*^ a (HEIGHT 7S INCHES) ■TrE»- (HEIQHT 9 INCHES) FRAGMENT OF VASE WITH A DUCK'S HEAD IN RELIEF AND VASE REPRESENTING A HUNCHBACK HUMAN FIGURE, FLORIDA QULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) holmes] POTTERY OF CHOCTAWHATCHEE BAY 109 baj', on which an oaj^lo and an eatry Of- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX w a (DIAMETER /i INCHES) b (DIAMETER 4! INCHES) C (DIAMETER 9 INCHES) PLATTER AND BOWLS WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP "- >. ^ '■ {""'nl-i Bureau of amerjcan ethnolocy Twentieth annual Report pl. lxxI OUTLINES OF VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXII a (HEIGHT 4 inches! b (DIAMETER 4J INCHES) C (HEIGHT 4J INCHES) d (HEIGHT 75 INCHES) e (DIAMETER 5i INCHES) f (DIAMETER 5i INCHES) BOWLS AND BOTTLES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) Bureau of American ethnologv tWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIII a (DIAMETER 15; INCHES) h (DIAMETER 10 INCHES) C (DIAMETER 145 INCHES) BOWLS WITH RELIEVED AND INCISED DECORATIONS REPRESENTING THE FROG CONCEPT, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) t/A/ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV I ^"! 'I' I a (DIAMETER lli INCHES) fc l.HEIGHT 5i INCHES) C (DIAMETER 7} INCHES) BOWL WITH RELIEVED AND INCISED DECORATIONS REPRESENTING THE BIRD CONCEPT, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) Or -rO ^ ?V < a o _J < a: CD CO DC UJ > O Q UJ I- cc UJ > 5 O iJNivr '^s/Ty BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI a IHEICHT 6 INCHES) d (HEIGHT 3r INCHES) C (LENGTH 6 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 6i INCHES) e (DIAMETER 6 INCHES) VASES WITH ENGRAVED AND STAMPED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) Bureau of American ethnology TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVII a (HEIGHT 4i INCHES) b (HEIGHT 3i INCHES) C (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) d (HEIGHT 6 INCHES! e (HEIGHT 35 INCHES) VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) HOLMES] POTTERY OF FRANKLIN COUNTY, FLORIDA 111 ciation is close with thv pottery found at Tarpon Springs and other central and western peninsular sites. Their paste, color, and some details of form connect them with the Apalachicola ware. The frag, ment shown in c appears to represent a well-executed vessel corre spending in shape to <■ of the preceding plate. A characteristic and v ery interesting series of vessels was acquired recenth' by the National Museum from Mr C. H. B. Llojxl, who exhumed them from a mound in Franklin county. Ten of these are shown in plate Lxxviii. They represent a wide range of form and finish. The paste is silicious but generally fine-grained, and in some pieces flecks of mica are plentiful. The color is a warm gray, save in one case, where the firing has given a mottled terra-cotta red. In general they are South Appalachian rather than Floridian, as is indicated b\- their material, form, and decollation. Two pieces resemble the porous ware of Florida in appearance and finish. Three are decorated with elabo- rateh' figured stamps, and one is painted red. Incised lines appear in a few cases. Unstamped surfaces are finished vAih a polishing stone. All are perforated, a hole having been knocked in the l)ottom of each, save in one case, in which a circular opening about an inch in diameter was made while the cla}' was still soft. This vessel has a thickened rim, flat on the upper surface and nearly an inch wide. A rudely modeled bird's head is affixed to the upper surface of the rim. The surface is rather roughly finished and has received a wash of red ocher. A small fragment of another similar vase, supplied with an animal head, belongs to the collection, and a closely analogous speci- men, now in the National Museum, came from a mound near Gaines- ville. A remarkable vessel — a bottle with reddish paste, squarish cruci- form body, as viewed from above, and a high, wide foot — is shown in plate Lxxviii, and on a larger scale in plate lxxviiiaI. A vertical view in outline is given in 2, and the engraved design encircling the base — partly broken away — appears in 3. The four flattish horn- shaped wings that extend from the collar out over the body, ending in rounded projecting points, constitute a whoUj- unique plastic feature, although the engraved figures are repeated in sherds from northern and western Florida. The lines and figures are deeply engraved and almost certainly represent some graphic original, traces of the life features appearing through the mask of convention. Something in the general appearance and decorative treatment suggests Caribbean work, and in the shape of the base and the band of encircling deco- ration there is a hint of Yucatec treatment; still the piece is, as a whole, essentially Floridian. Three vessels shown in plate lxxviii, the largest pot and two smaller pieces, have collars of stamped figures, the remainder of the surface being somewhat rudely polished. In two cases the stamped 112 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 figures are sufficiently complete to permit a practical restoration of the full design. While I was observing the unique and remarkable nature of these designs and their dissimilarity to the ornamental designs of the surrounding areas in the United States, tlie idea of comparing them with the decorative conceptions of the West Indies occurred to me. The result of this studj' has been presented in a separate paper." Researches made by Mr Clarence B. Moore in 1902 among the mounds of the west coast of Florida, between St Andrews bay on the west and Cedar keys on the east, have brought to light a remarkaljle series of vases, a few specimens of which I am able to add at the last moment in plates lxxxx, i.xxix A, and lxxix b. Several exceptional features appear, among which are certain com- pound and eccentric forms, bird shapes display- ing most interesting treatment of wings and other features; and pierced walls, the openings representing the interspaces of the designs. The well-marked local characters grade off into western, northern, and eastern forms, so that no decided break occurs at any point. Stamp-decorated ware displaying a great variety of the highly elaborate figures occurs overj'where in association with the prevailing variety.* Miscellaneous Specimens Associated with the above-described ware along the Gulf shore are bowl-shaped vessels characterized by a peculiar thickening of the lip Fig. 64. — Bowl with thick col- lar, Tampa bay. Diameter 85 inches. Fig. .5-T — Sections of thick-rimmed bowls, Early county, Georgia. or I'im, and by the presence, in many cases, of red coloration. The largest collection of these vessels in our possession comes from a vil- lage site in Early county, Georgia, although specimens are found about Mobile bay and all along the west coast of Florida to Tampa and even father south. They are best illustrated by the collections of Mr A. S. Gaines and Mr K. M. Cunningham, now in the National Museum. These vessels, mainly in fragments, are not separable from the other "Holmes, W. H., Caribbean influence on the prehistoric ceramic art; of the southern states, in the American Anthropologist, vol. vii, number 1, January, 1894. ''Sfoore, Clarence B., Certain aboriginal remains of the northwest Florida coast, part ii, Philadel- phia, 1902. a z D o < 3 2 =1 UJ < CC < o > o S 3 DC O O ll o 5 CO < > a o u. O Q. o CC O Bureau of American ethnology TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT ?L. LXXVIII A UNIQUE BOTTLE WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS GULF COAST GROUP ; 6 H A fTp or THE UNIVERSITY ,< BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX a (ONE-FIFTH) 6 (ONE-FOURTH) e (ONE-FIFTH) d (ONE-THIRD) '-^V %c m •^ « (ONE-FOURTH) / (ONE-FOURTH) BIRD-FORM VASES WITH INCISED DECORATIONS SUGGESTING THE ORIGIN OF MANY CONVENTIONAL ORNAMENTS NORTHWEST FLORIDA COAST (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX A 1 (DIAMETER 8 INCHES) 2 (ONE-THIRD) 3 (ONE-FOURTH) 4 (ONE-THIRD) 5 (ONE-THIRD) VASES WITH INCISED AND RELIEVED DECORATION NORTHWEST FLORIDA COAST (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX B 1 (ONE-THIRD) 3 (.ONE-FIFTH) 5 (ONE-FOURTH) 6 (ONE-THIRD) \ ^eJp^ SHF 2 (ONE-FOURTH) 4 (ONE-THIRD) VASES OF EXCEPTIONAL FORMS NORTHWEST FLORIDA COAST (MOORE COLLECTION' Of ' HOLMES] LIFE ELEMENTS IN DECORATION 113 forms of pottery associated with them, although they exhibit features so peculiar as to suggest that the t,ype may have had a separate origin. They are associated, at different points, with the remains of nearly every variety of southern pottery. Although from the richest of shell- bearing districts, this ware, in common with the Appalachian pottery, is usually tempered with silicious matter. The thickening of the margins of vessels in this group is a notable and peculiar feature belonging to the ware from no other region. A sj^ecimcn from Tampa bay, Florida, is pre- sented in figure 54, and a series of sections is given in figure 55. The surface retains but little of the red color. These bowls are symmetric in shape and were neatly finished with the polish- ing tool. Usually a thin ^'^' ^*--^<'''l'™™ Mobile district, with patterns in color. coat of red ocher has been applied. In a few cases the color forms simple patterns, as is shown in figure 56. The pattern in this exam- ple is executed in white paint on a red ground. This vessel has a flaring rim, only slightly thickened. In specimens from Mobile shell heaps there is, as has been already mentioned, a certain suggestion of Mexican or Central American art, and it is not impossible that definite correlations with the ware of the South may in time be made. Life Elements in Decoration Before more eastern groups are treated, attention may be given to the interesting decorations of the Central Gulf Coast ware. The for- mal designs— the groupings of straight and curved lines, the meanders, the guilloches, and the scrolls— were at first treated independently of the life forms so variously embodied in the vessels; but as these studies advanced it came to be realized that the life idea runs through all the designs, and that the formal figures are connected by an unbroken series of less and less conventional forms with the semi realistic incised designs and with the realistic plastic representations as well. This is a very important matter to the student of the embellishing arts. The investigation was begun by assembling each variety of crea- ture embodied in the 'ware— man. quadrupeds, birds, reptiles, bat- rachians, and fishes — placing the most realistic representations in both relieved and incised forms first, the others following in the series according to progress in conventional modification. The pur- pose was to ascertain whether there was general consistency, whether 20 ETH— 03 8 114 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 each variety of creature passed down to the purely conventional foiTus through its own peculiar and distinctive series of variants. The conclusion reached is that there is at least a large degree of con- sistency, and that particular forms of creatures may be recognized far down the scale toward the geometric. Exceptions were noted, however. The symbols are occasionally intermingled, as if the sig- nificance of the particular forms had been lost sight of, the potter using them as symbols of the life idea in general, or as mere decorations. As a rule, the incised designs are more highly conventional than the plastic, the eagle and the serpent being the only incised forms, so far as has been observed, realistically treated; but it was possit)le to recognize others through their association with the modeled forms. In vessels furnished with the head of a bird in relief, for example, the same kind of incised figures were generally found around the vessel, and these are recognized as being more or less fully conventionalized representations of wings. The same is true of the fish and its gills, fins, and tail; of the serpent and its spots and rattles, and of the frog and its legs. The relieved figures, realistically treated, become thus a key to the formal incised designs, enabling us to identify them when separately used. It will be seen, however, that since all forms shade off into the purely geometric, there comes a stage when all must be practically alike; and in independent positions, since we have no key, we fail to distinguish them, and can only say that whatever they represented to the potter they can not be to us more than mere suggestions of the life idea. To the native potter the life concept was probably an essential association with every vessel. In plate lxxx is arranged a series of figures illustrating progressive variations in the bird concept, and in plate lxxxi the frog concept is sim- ilarly represented. The series are too limited to be entirely satisfactory, as it is only when a great number of these designs are before us that we see clearly the meaning of the transformations. Plates lxxxii and Lxxxiii show some purely conventional designs, and many more or less fully conventionalized life forms copied from vessels of this group. POTTERY OF THE FLORIDA PENINSULA" Exploration on the peninsula of Florida has made such decided headway in recent years that archseologists may now reasonably hope to secure a firm grasp on the problems of Florid ian prehistoric art. The general nature and range of the art remains are already faiily well understood, but little study has been given those details that must a Acknowledgments are dne to Mr Clarence B. Moore for a large part of the data embodied in this brief study of Florida pottery. Not only have his published works been drawn on but correspondence and frequent oonsultA BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI ■o ■°> (Oj)(iOJ ^^^^^^^^ ;^ ^^^^^^g'^^^^'^^^^^'^'g^^^^^^^C^^'^^^^:^^ ENGRAVED DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE FROG CONCEPT, FLORIDA QULF COAST GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXII ®^8) W w^-^/ ^^^^^^m^::::::^;;::^^. ENGRAVED DESIGNS, ALABAMA AND FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXIII ^: lO jD Me Il(fi(^>l^ m^^^^^'M ^ /y/ y / //■/ /wv ^/^/ K^i'^^^gt ENGRAVED DESIGNS, ALABAMA AND FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP A. «>"MES] THE FLORIDA ABORIGINES 115 be relied upon to assist, first, in assigning these relics to particular tribes and stocks of people, second, in correlating them with culture features of neighboring regions, and, third, in determining questions of chronology. The extensive and careful researches of Mr Clarence B. Moore seem destined to fairlj* initiate this important work, and Mr F. H. Cushing has conducted very important excavations along the western coast, the results of which, although only half published, give us the first clear and definite insight into the life and habits of the prehistoric inhabitants of the Gulf coast. Historic Aborigines The group of tribes occupying Florida during the period of Spanish discovery and conquest belongs to what is now known as the Tinm- quanan linguistic family. Those people have now entirely disap- peared, and little is definitely known of their arts or history. Other tribes have since occupied the territory, but none have been per- mitted to remain except a few Seminoles, some two hundred strong, who now occupy portions of the Everglades. There appears to be only the most meager record of the making of pottery by any of the historic tribes of the peninsula, yet pottery making was the rule with the southern Indians, and we may fairlv assume that all of the tribes found in the peninsula by the Spanish were potters, and that much of the earthenware obtained from the mounds and shell heaps belonged to tribes of the historic linguistic stocks of the general region. The Timuquanan peoples are probably fully represented, but Muskogean influence must have been felt, and at least one of the prin- cipal varieties of pottery found in the northern half of the peninsula was typically developed in the region occupied by that stock. Traces of intrusive ideas are present, perhaps even traces of peoples from the West, and evidences of Antillean (Arawak) contsict on the east have recently come to light. As the case stiinds, however, we have such slight historic knowledge of the native ceramic art of Florida that no part of its products can, with entire safety, be attributed to anj^ partic- ular tribe or stock of people. The colored plate presented as the frontispiece of this paper is reproduced from a drawing by John White, of the Roanoke Colony, 1585-1.588. It represents a native woman holding in her hand what appears to be an earthen bowl. This is one of the few authentic illustrations extant of a native of "Florida" in Colonial times. The ware of Florida is extremely varied and presents numerous pronounced types of form and docoration, but it is found very diffi- cult to separate it into groups other than regional. The various forms are intimatelj' associated, the diversified characters grading one into another in the most confusing manner. It is very much as though the peninsula had been occupied by peoples of distinct origins, who had come together on conunon ground in such intimate relations that IK) ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [etii.axn.20 their respective cultures Ijccame in a large measure blended. This apparent intermingling of elements would seem to pei*tain to a late rather than to an early period. Chronology Questions of antiquity naturally present themselves for consideration in this place, but very definite answers can not be given. We may reasonably anticipate that in time the ceramic evidence will materially assist in determining the succession of peoples and also in arriving at a somewhat definite chronology of events. The ware embedded in successive layers of midden refuse gives hints of change and progress, and the absence of sherds in the subordinate strata points apparentlj' to a time when pottery was not used by the tribes represented. Then again the higher forms of ware appear well up in the strata and pre- vail over the surface of the country in general. Mr Moore refers to the topic in the following language: When after a long and careful search in a shell heap no pottery is brought to light, it may be considered that the makers of the heap lived at a time when its method of manufacture was unknown. Pottery filled so great a want in the lives of the aborigines and was so extensively used by the makers of the shell heaps, where it is found at all, that it seems impossible to account for its absence upon any hypothesis other than the one suggested. One fact relating to pottery which Professor Wyman neglects to state is that in many shell heaps pottery is found to a certain depth only, after which it disappears. In other shell heaps, pottery plain and ornamented is found in association for a time, after which unornament«d pottery alone is found. These points in connection with the pottery of the shell heaps have been noticed in so many scores of cases that the writer is convinced that many shell heaps were in process of formation contemporaneously with the first knowledge of the art of pot- tery making and its subsequent development. * * * It is well known that later Indians occupied the shell heaps as places of residence long after their completion, some doubtless cultivating them, and hence distance from the surface is a most important factor in determining the origin of shell-heap relics of all sorts." Range of the Ware The pottery in our collections from Florida comprises a wide range of technic and esthetic characters. There are specimens rivaling the best work of the Lower Mississippi region, and others so rudimentarj' as hardly to deserve the name of earthenware. There are also numer- ous varieties resulting apparently not so much from difierences in peoples and time as from the diverse uses to which they were applied. One group is wholly unique, consisting in the main of toy-like forms of rude workmanship, and exhibiting decidedly abnormal characters. There is good reason for supposing that it was manufactured exclu- sively for mortuary offerings, as it is associated almost wholly with burials. Again, the shell heaps furnish an inferior variety of ware quite peculiar to them. It is difficult to say just how much of this inferiority is due to antiquity and how much to the fact that midden n Moore, Clarence B., Certain shell heaps of the St Johns river, American Naturalist, November, 1892, p. 916. HoiMES] MATERIAL AND MANUFACTURK, FLORIDA 117 ware in general is riule on account of its manufacture for the prep- aration of food and its exclusive use in that process. The pottery of the burial mounds, except the ijeculiar ware mentioned above, and of the country in general is of a higher grade, often eJchibiting neat finish, varied and refined forms, and tasteful decorations. Considered as a whole, tiie ceramic art of the Florida peninsula indicates a state of culture nmch inferior to that of the middle and lower Mississippi valley. Materials The clay used, considering the whole peninsula, seems to have had a wide range of composition and to have been subjected to varied methods of treatment. The inferior pottery shows jjoorly selected materials and rude treatment, while the better product is characterized by finely prepared paste. Much of the ware is of unusually low spe- cific gravity, as if rendered porous by weathering or decay of some of the denser ingredients. The tempering materials are also varied. Much of the shell-deposit ware has been tempered wiC .ibrous vegetal matter, such as pounded grass or bark, thought by Wyman to be palmetto fiber, which burned out in firing or has disappeared through decay, leaving the paste light and porous. This ware is rude and coarse in texture and is said to occur only in the older shell deposits. In many places the paste is exceptionally free from tempering ingredients, being fine-grained and chalky. These conditions may be due to the nature of the available materials rather than to any peculiar local ethnic conditions. The soft paste prevails in the St Johns river region and extends also to the west coast. The gritty paste of the Appalachian provinces reaches south- ward into northern Florida and is found, though quite rarely, down the east and west coasts. The use of pulverized shell is noted in a few cases along the west coast. Manufacture The vessels were built up often of wide strips of clay, which, in many cases, were so poorly worked or welded together that the ves- sels fall to pieces along the joints. In the ruder pieces the lines of junction are still traceable, especially on the inner surfaces, where neat finish was difficult or unnecessary. The walls of the ruder ware are thick, clumsy, and uneven; those of the better varieties are thin, uniform, and evenly dressed. The finish is also varied, ranging from the roughest hand-modeled surfaces through those variously textured to well-polished surfaces. In many cases a thin coat of finer clay has been applied to the exterior to hide the coarse materials and render the polishing easy. The baking or firing seems to have been of several grades or varie- ties; usually, however, the surfaces show the mottlings characteristic of 118 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann,20 the open-air treatment common with the tribes of the United States. The paste in the more porous wares is often somewhat whitened super- ficiall\^ by volatihzation of vegetal elements, the interior of the mass remaining dark or black. In some localities decided reddish and yel- lowish tints are seen, a result probably of oxidization of iron con- tained in the clay. The improvised mortuarj' wares are generally only slightly baked. Forms The forms of the ordinar3- ware, as well as those of the "freak" mortuary potterj^ are much diversified. Vessels of the culinary class are apparently not numerous; but, being especially subject to break- age, they rarely appear in collections except as sherds. Neither the pot nor the deep caldron are common. Cups and bowls, the latter often of large size, are very numerous, a subglobular form with con- stricted lip being typically Floridian. Bottles, or forms approaching the bottle in shape, are rare, while eccentric and compound forms occur in all sections. Bottoms are rounded, conic, or slightly flat- tened. Handles are not an important feature, while feet or added })ases of any kind arc rareh' seen in the normal ware. Animal forms were modeled with considerable freedom in later times, and occasionally shells of mollusks and the gourd were imitated. The shapes as a whole are inferior to those in the districts to the north and west, although, if we include the improvised mortuary pottery, thej" are far more diversified. Decoration Decoration is varied and heterogeneous, so much so that it can not properly be described, except in connection with illustrations. It rarely includes fabric- and cord-marked surfaces, but the paddle stamp, with varied designs, was used extensively in most sections. Incising and indenting were emplo^'ed in working out designs of many classes, and especially symbolic subjects. In some varieties of ware the work was very crude, in others it was extremely skillful. The appli- cation of red ocher was general, and simple designs were executed in this pigment. Decorative effects were also secured by roughening the surface in various ways, as by pinching up the soft cla3' with the fin- ger nails, and by modeling ridges, nodes, and other forms in low or high relief. The lip or rim is often enibellished by notching or scal- loping. The subject-matter of the designs ranges from the simple geometric elements to somewhat realistic, although crude, delineations of men and animals. Conventional treatment of life forms is often exceptionallj^ refined and effective, but s^mibols of special or highly developed types have not been identified. Uses The uses to which the pottery of Florida was devoted were about the same as among other native tribes. There were vessels to serve HoiMEs] CSES OF POTTERY IN ITLOBIDA 119 in the full range of domestic activities — cooking, carrying, contain- ing, eating, and drinking — and others for ceremonial offices, and for burial with the dead. There were also miniature vessels, as well as figurines representing animals, probably intended to be used as toys. There were tobacco pipes, bcatls, and pendants, and other objects not assignable to any particular use. The employment of earthenware in burial is of special interest. The dead were buried in ordinary graves and in sand and earth mounds, and, exceptionally, in shell mounds, and here as elsewhere it was customary to deposit various utensils with the bodies; but there are some curious and interesting features connected with the practice. Over much of the territory covered by this paper the vessels were deposited in the graves entire and are so recovered by our explorci's, but in the Florida peninsula, and to some extent in Georgia and Ala- bama, a pi-actice had arisen of breaking the vessel or perforating the bottom before consigning it to the ground. The most satisfactory explanation of this proceeding is that since the vessel was usuallj' regarded as being alive and endowed with the spirit of some creature of mythologic significance, it was appropriate that it should be "killed" before burial, that the spirit might be free to accompany that of the dead. The facts brought out by recent explorations of Mr Moore add new features of interest." In cases it is apparent that the vessels were not only broken for burial, but that fragmentary vessels were used; and again that, as in the case of the Tick Island and other mounds, sherds were buried, serving probably as substitutes for the entire vessels. An exceptional feature of these phenomena is the presence in some of the burial mounds of sherds broken out to rudely resemble notched spear and arrow points. It would seem that the sherd was made to represent the vessel which was formerly buried entire, and that, possibly, extending its office to another field, it was modified in shape that it might take the place of such implements of stone and other materials as were formerlj- devoted to the service of the dead. Still more remarkable is the practice, which seems to have become pretty general in Florida, of manufacturing vessels especially for burial purposes. Some of these pieces are in such close imitation of the real vessels that the distinction between them can not be drawn with certainty, while others are made with open bases, so that they did not need to be Vjroken or "killed" when inhumed, having never been made alive. Others are of such rude workmanship and eccentric form that no ordinary use could be made of them. In seeking to explain these exceptional products two suggestions may be made: First, it is noted that the perforating of the vessels used in burial and the placing of sherds and toy-like vessels and figurines with <" Moore, Clarence B., Certain sand raounils of the St Johns river, Florida, Journal Academy of Natural Sciences, ser. 2, vol. x, Philadelphia, 18M. 120 AHOBIGINAL POTTEKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ktii. a.vn.20 the dead is confined, mainly at least, to Florida and the Gulf coast, and further that these practices pertain to comparatively recent times. It is also observed that articles of European make — Vene- tian beads, Spanish olive jars, articles of metal, etc. — are found in many mounds of this region, indicating the very general practice of mound-building during a considerable period following the arrival of the Spanish — a period extending over a hundred years or more. It is suggested, therefore, that possibly this whole group of extraordi- nary mortuary practices may have sprung up in post-Columbian times. The most prolific sources of gain known to the Spanish were the cemeteries of the aborigines, and the seekers of El Dorado and the Fountain of Life were the princes of grave robbers. It would be but natural that people possessing the ready resources of the southern Indians, finding the graves of their fathers ruthlessly desecrated by the invaders in their mad search for gold and pearls, should, while still preserving the spirit of their mortuary customs, cease to consign to the ground any articles of real value. It will be conceded that the inroads of hordes of avaricious and merciless strangers must have exercised a powerful influence on the habits and customs of the native tribes, and such phenomena as these mentioned might result natu- rally. The fact, however, that graves containing these objects ai"e very numerous and often contain other articles of real value, as has been pointed out by Mr Moore, seems to render this theory untenable. Second, a somewhat more satisfactory explanation may be found in the idea of substitution for purely economic reasons; perhaps the demands of mortuary sacrifice grew burdensome to the people, or possibly the practice of the art in its normal phases fell into disfavor or gradually gave way tO' some other form of vessel-making art, while the practice of making ceramic offerings kept on in conformity with the persistent demands of supei'stitious custom. At any rate, the practice of hastily making sacrificial offerings of clay came into great favor and a study of the objects, many of which are illustrated in accompanying plates, shows that they embody in their rude way all varieties of form and decoration known in Florida, and shows, beside this, that the imagination ran riot imitating objects of many classes and conjuring up forms entirely new to the art. The use of earthen vessels as receptacles for human remains has not been noted by Mr Moore in his extensive explorations on the Florida peninsula, although the practice was common in Georgia and other sections to the north and west. Examples midden ware of the st johns '' The shell mounds of the St Johns furnish varieties of ware said to be confined almost exclusively to these deposits, and supposed espe- cially to characterize the middle period of their accumulation, the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL. REPORT PL. LXXXIV e aT M cnn«S^'7 .i S' . 7:' ;;. T , -;- ? . 's FRAGMENTS OF POTTERY FROM SHELL HEAPS FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) SHELL-HEAP WARE, FLORIDA 121 earlier period being without potterj-, and the later having several vari- eties of ware, which appear on the surface in great plenty. This potter}- has been recovered only in the shape of sherds, and can not be studied to the best advantage. Among the fragments are found evi- dences of considerable variation in texture, treatment, and ornamen- tation. One variety exhibits a rather fine-grained paste preserving the warm gray colors of the baked clay. The surfaces were finished with a rubbing tool, and are plain or have been rather carelessly embellished with patterns in straight and curved incised lines. Another, and the most noteworthy variety, is char- acterized by the unusual ap- pearance of the paste, which has been tempered with a large percentage of fibrous matter, probably shredded palnietto fiber. This tem- pering substance has been destroyed by fire or decay, leaving the paste highly vesi- cular and porous and of low specific gravity. Generally these sherds show clearlv the 1^::;^.. „_ ^^■■■..... Fig. 57— Restoration of forms of fiber-tempered midden ware, St Johns river. effects of use over fire. The walls are thick and uneven and the surfaces are rudely rubbed down. The forms appear to have consisted mainly of bowls with rims variously recurved, incurved, and otherwise modi- fied, and with rounded or flattish bases. The diameter varies from a few inches to a foot or more. Examples restored from fragments sufli- ciently large to indicate the shape and suggest the true character of the ornament are shown in figure 57. They are from the Tick Island mound, and appear typical of what is assumed to be the earliest pottery- 122 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES (ktii. axn.20 making period. The execution of the design.s is decidcdlj- rude, the incised lines being deep, wide, and irregular. The designs themselves, however, seem to comprise not only the archaic forms seen in a and h, hut running scrolls such as occur in the most advanced grades of southern pottery, as in c. The angular interspaces in the latter designs are tilled in with indentations, as in the Mobile-Pensacola and other wares (see figure 58). There is no absolute measure of the value of particu- lar decorative motives in determining degree of culture progress, Init elaborate scroll work can hardly lie called archaic, and we must con- clude either that this ware does not represent the earliest use of pot- tery among the shell-mound peoples, or that the more western tribes, already practicing this art, encroached on the original shell-heap people at a comparatively early date. It may be remarked further that the shapes, so far as observed, are nearly identical with the pre- vailing shapes of the best wares of Florida. This fiber-tempered pot- tery was found by Wyman at Old Town, Old Enterprise, Watsons Fig. 68— Fragments of midden-ware bowls with incised scroll decoration, St Johns river. Landing, Silver Spring, and Palatka," but no details of occurrence are given. Mr Moore obtained specimens from Tick island, Orange mound, Huntingtons, Mulberry mound, and other localities, and his determinations of relative position and age have already been quoted. Two sherds derived from hemispheric bowls decorated with running scrolls are illustrated, in figure 58. There are pieces, however, that approach the better wares of later time in texture and finish, and it may yet be shown that the earlier pottery of Florida developed without marked interruption into the later and more highly elaborated forms. Additional sherds are shown in plate Lxxxiv. STAMPED WAKE OF THE ST JOHNS The use of the stamp or figured paddle in decoration was com- mon througout the peninsula, extending west into Alabama and north to North Carolina and Tennessee. It is not likely that it was charac- teristic of any particular people or culture group. That it is not of a Wyman, Dr Jeffries. Fresh-water she'.l mounds of the St Johns river, Florida, Memoirs of the Peabody Academy cf Science, Salem, Mass., 1875. o o o o o llJ Q CL < H C/3 > (r (- O a. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXVI a (DIAMETER 6i INCHES) h (WIDTH ABOUT 9 INCHES) POTTERY WITH STAMP DECORATION FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXVII POTTERY WITH STAMP DECORATION FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXVIII POTTERY WITH STAMP DECORATION FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXIX a (DIAMETER 104 INCHES) 6 (HEIGHT 41 INCHES) C (DIAMETER 7S INCHES) VASES WITH RELIEVED AND ENGRAVED DESIGNS FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION) r?^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XC h (ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) C (ABOUT ONE-HALF) a (ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) FRAGMENTS OF VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION) HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE ST JOHNS, FLORIDA 123 Mexican origin would seem to be proved by the fact that it does not occur west of Mobile hay. It is no doubt related to if not derived from the art of embellishing the vessels by impressing textile fabrics upon their plastic surfaces, practiced so extensively in the North. Mr Cushing expresses the idea, originating with his San Mai'co work," tKat the use of wooden tools in which the grain of the wood gave rise to decorative surface markings might have led to the making of figured stamps or modeling paddles, but this idea requires confimiation. I have observed that some of the more elaborate stamped patterns employed are closely akin to designs used by ancient wood carvers and sculptors of the Antilles, thus suggesting some kind of connection between Florida and the islands/ The ware of the St Johns shows the very common use of a modeling paddle the face of which was carved in checker patterns, consisting of shallow grooves crossing generally at right angles and numbering from five to twelve to the inch. Examples are shown in plate lxxxv. Occasionally we encounter more elaborate and artistic designs, such as prevail in the Appalachian province on the north. Various examples from the St Johns are brought together in plates Lxxxvi, lxxxvii, and Lxxxviii. It would appear that the stamp paddle was not in use dur- ing the earlier stages of pottery making in Florida. According to Mr Moore the stamped ware occurs less frequently as we descend into the midden deposits, rarely appearing at any considemble depth. ENGRAVED WAKE OF THE ST JOHNS The St Johns furnishes occasional specimens of ware of excellent make, seemingly not akin to the common pottery of the region, although apparently intimately associated with it in burial. An example is presented in plate Lxxxixa. It is a well-modeled globular bowl from a mound in Duval county, is 10 inches in diameter, and is tastefully ornamented with representations of a bird, probably the duck. The head of the bird is modeled in relief on opposite sides of the vessel. The bill points upward, and the wings, depicted in simple incised lines, extend around the upper part of the body of the vessel. A sketch of one of the heads appears in l>. The duck is a prominent feature in the embellishment of Florida wares, but in many cases the forms are so highly conventionalized that only those who have traced the duck motive down from more realistic delineations can do more than guess at the original. An example of conventional duck design is presented in plate xc«. An equally conventional treatment, possibly of the vulture, appears in S. Other examples of this class are referred to in describing the pottery of western Florida. Much of the mortuary and midden ware is decorated with incised work, always carelessly executed. n Cushing, F. H., Exploration of ancient key-dweller remains, Proceedings American Philosophical Society, vol. xxxv, p. 74. tHolmes, W. H., Caribbean influence ou the prehistoric ceramic art of the southern states, American Anthropologist, January, 1894, p. 71. 124 ABORIGINAL POITEKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth. an.s.20 IMPROVISED MORTUARY WARE OF THE ST JOHNS Explorations on the St Johns have brought to light a form of earth- enware having characters not heretofore observed in an}- locality, and likely to give rise to considerable discussion. The possible functions of this ware have already received attention. It has been found by Mr Moore and others at varj'ing depths in the l)urial mounds, but never in the shell heaps. A few pieces were obtained from Mount Ro3'al at a depth of 12 feet beneath the surface. It consists of vessels, vessel-like articles, animal figurines, miniature imitations of fruit, and various objects of eccentric shape, nearly all of rude construction and finish. As a rule these objects have the appearance of toys made by hands unskilled in the manipulation of clay and practically untram- melcd by the traditions of the normal native art. The clay used was generally crude and untempered, the construction careless and hastj', and the baking very slight. Specimens worthy of being called vessels are mostly so crudely made that they would be of little service in any of the usual ofiices of a vessel. As a rule the bottoms of such speci- mens were perforated while the clay was yet soft, the opening being left rough as cut or punched, or dressed down rudely after the manner of the normal opening at the opposite end. They repeat, in a measure, the forms of the real pottery, but with many trivial variations. Decoration is in all styles, the incised, stamped, relieved, and painted, but in the main it is crude. The animal and vegetal forms are often so graphically suggested, however, that the idea of the modeler is intelligible. The panther, the wolf or dog, the squirrel, the turkey, the turtle, and the fish are more or less forcibly suggested. The size is usually small, and the clumsy forms, modeled with the unaided tingfers, are solid or nearly so, the more massive portions having been in cases roughly perforated with a stick to prevent cracking and fall- ing to pieces in the process of baking. Vegetal fomis are extremely rare in the normal native art of the eastern United States, the gourd appearing in some cases as a model for earthen vessels; but in this mortuary ware various essays have been made to represent acorns, flowers, buds, ears of corn, and the like. A large number of unclassi- fied forms, quite as rude as the preceding, resemble cylinders, cones, beads, spools, hourglasses, druggist's mortars, etc. On examination of the various ceramic collections in the United States, there are found occasional examples of small, rudely made, toy-like figures from other localities that may possibly fall into the same general class as these Florida mortuary fantasies. The most satisfactory evidence of the close relationship of this pot- tery with the normal wares of Florida is its occurrence in a number of mounds at considerable depths and under varying conditions, and associated intimately with a wide range of relics. Besides this, there BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XOI a (HEIGHT 3 INCHES) h (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) C (HEIGHT 4i INCHES) d (HEIGHT 4t INCHES) RUDE EARTHENWARE FROM GRAVES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII a (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 4; INCHES) C (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) RUDE EARTHENWARE FROM GRAVES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION! BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII a (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) C (HEIGHT 3 INCHES) d (DIAMETER 4 INCHES) RUDE EARTHENWARE FROM GRAVES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION) CO Ul > C3 O UJ < I I- < UJ 111 a 3 oe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XCV a, (LENGTH 5i INCHES) b (LENGTH 6 INCHES) C (LENGTH 6i INCHES) RUDE EARTHENWARE FROM GRAVES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION) CO UJ > < C3 S cc 2 o m 5 UJ 5 l^ g "^ 8 ^ — cc UJ a o I 3 O or < UJ UJ Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII RUDE EARTHENWARE FROM GRAVES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII RUDE EARTHENWARE FROM GRAVES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHSI "A BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIX LARGE PAINTED VESSEL WITH OPEN BASE FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, DIAMETER 19 INCHES) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. C FRAGMENTS OF PAINTED VESSEL WITH OPEN BASE FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, DIAMETER OF LARGE APERTURE 8 INCHES* HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE ST JOHNS AND THE WEST COAST 125 are main- features of the ware that approach in appearance or man- ner of treatment the ordinary pottery, and, in fact, there is such a complete grading into vessels of normal character that in places no line can be drawn separating the trivial from the serious. We may therefore safely infer that all varieties were made by potters of the same period and linguistic family. In appearance these articles are rather new-looking, and, being found generally near the surface, may be regarded as representing a comparatively recent period. Examples of several varieties are brought together in plates xci-xovnr." PAINTED WARE OF THE ST JOHNS The use of colors in decoration prevailed most decidedly in the Mid- dle Mississippi Vallej- province, but in Florida color was in somewhat general use. Commonly the red color was spread over the entire sur- face and polished down, as it was in the West. When designs were used, the3^ were alwa3's simple, and, in the main, consisted of broad bands in clumsy geometric arrangements. It is not known that color was confined to any particular class of vessels. A very large and remarkable piece of the painted ware is presented in plate xcix. It was obtained by Mr Clarence B. Moore from a sand mound near Volusia, Volusia count}', and is 19 inches in diameter and 15^^ inches in height. The base or smaller end is neatly perforated, as maj^ be seen in the lower figure, the opening having been made when the vessel was modeled, and finished with the same care as was the mouth. It is possible that this vessel had some special domestic use in which the perforation was an essential feature, as in straining liquids, or it ma}' have been a drum; but the practice of perforating vessels for burial and of making toy-like vessels with perforated bottoms for mortuary purposes offers an explanation of the significance of the whole class of perforate objects. It is surmised that the native theory was that a vessel which had onl\' a supernatural purpose was properly perforate. It was never endowed with the powers and quali ties of a living thing. The red color is applied in broad bands encir- cling the aper^'ures and in four vertical stripes connecting these. Fragments of a vessel of similar design are given in plate c. It also is from the mound near Volusia, and has been some 18 or 20 inches in length. POTTERY OF THE WEST COAST The several varieties of potter}' described as occurring in the San Juan province, with the exception of the midden and mortuary ware, are found scattered over the state in mounds and on i-esidence sites, but few examples have found their way into our museums. In the west, and especially along the west coast of the peninsula, other interesting a Recent collections made by Mr Moore in the Apalachicola region show equally novel and varied shapes of this general class, the work being of much higher grade. 126 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth. ann. 20 varieties of products are encountered. The most striking of these is characterized by its style of ornamentation, which consists of elaborate designs worked out largely Avith indentations or punctures instead of with plain incised lines, giving tattoo effects. Specimens in the main fragmental have been found over a wide area, but the best preserved and most typical examples are those recently obtained from a burial mound at Tarpon Springs by Mr F. H. Gushing. Some of these are presented in the accompanying plates, and the ornamental designs are projected at full length in plate civ. Notwithstanding the large degree of individuality displayed by these specimens, they bj'' no means stand alone, being closelj^ allied in paste, shape, and ornamentation to one or another of the varieties of 'Florida pottery. The vase shown in plate ci is perhaps the most interesting and artistic of the group. The lower figure gives a top view of the shat- tered vessel as it appeared when the various pieces were first hastily set together, while the upper shows it as restored by Mr Gushing, save in one respect, namely, that as in his restoration the base is more delicately pointed than seems warranted by any model found in Florida, the liberty of changing it has been taken, the bottom being given a gently rounded or slightly flattened outline, as if the vessel had been intended to stand alone. The color is a yel- lowish terra cotta, the surface is even and well polished, and the walls are very thin. The incurved rim is narrow and rounded on the margin and is embellished with four conic nodes placed at equal distances about the lip. The decoration, which is applied and worked out in a very pleasing and artistic manner, appears in plate civa. Although it is highly conventional, it is undoubtedly significant and symbolic, and is based on some life form. It is seen that the leading feature of the design is repeated four times above a broad meander band which encircles the body of the vessel, and that below the band a second and less elaborate feature is also four times repeated. As we recall the usual association of animal features with vases in the gen- eral region, we examine the design to discover, if possible, some sug- gestion of a life concept. It would seem that the leading elements of the design must represent the head of some creature, and by studying the four principal features, it is seen that they show decided analogies with more realistic delineations of the duck observed on other vessels, and the conclusion is reached that the device is a conventional treatment of this favorite concept and that the vessel was invested with appro- priate life symbolism by the people to whom it belonged. A second specimen from the Tarpon Springs mound is given in plate ciia. It is quite equal to the other in delicacy of execution and in interest, and the exquisite design shown in full in plate civh may be looked on as of the same class as the preceding and as intended to symbolize nothing more esoteric or mysterious than the life idea DECORATED VASES, TARPON SPRINGS FLORIDA PENINSULA feUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOQV TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CM a (DIAMETER 13J INCHES) VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, TARPON SPRINGS FLORIDA PENINSULA (FREE MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND ART, PHILADELPHIA) O'- , IE UNIVE,,3ITY OF VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, TARPON SPRINGS FLORIDA PENINSULA CO en a. 03 Z o a. < 03 z o 03 UJ a a LU > < a: C3 z BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV a (DIAMETER 3* INCHES) C (ABOUT ONE-HALF) 6 (ABOUT ONE-HALF) A (DIAMETER 5l INCHES) FRAGMENTS OF DECORATED WARE AND COMPOUND CUP FLORIDA PENINSULA BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI a (height lOi INCHES) e (DIAMETER Si INCHES) d (DIAMETER Si INCHES) (HEIGHT 9 INCHES) ENGRAVED AND PAINTED VASES, TARPON SPRINGS FLORIDA PENINSULA (FREE MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND ART, PHILADELPHIA) J fi "'"' .ix-S-^S-- o ^ M V J '^'^ 1 >^ 1 ■ ^. i .V \ < a: OQ 3 o 5 Q 5 IT LU I- cn _l o HOLMES] POTTEBY OF THE WEST COAST . 127 associated with the vase in accordance with almost universal custom. It is instructive, however, to observe the graceful ways in which the esthetic instincts of a primitive people have taken hold of the crude elements of symbolism, making them things of beauty. A third vessel of the same group, similar in shape and finish and embodj'ing analogous elements of decoration, appears in plate cm and the design is drawn out in plate civc. This specimen is shown also in the preceding plate, cii, in connection with a large plain pot, c, of symmetric shape and excellent surface finish. Two fragments deco- rated in this stipple style, one showing a graceful shield-shaped figure in relief, are shown in plate cv5 and c. They came from a mound at Cedar Keys. The little cup shown in a of this plate is decorated with incised lines and punctures representing a crab-like animal, and also in color, certain spaces being finished in red. It is from Frank- lin county, Florida. The same plate includes a remarkable specimen of compound vessel from a mound in Franklin county. It is a plain ware of usual make and has five compartments, four circular basins arranged about a central basin of squarish shape. One of the encircling basins has been broken away and is restored in the drawing. One of the most novel forms is shown in plate ovi a. It is goblet- like and is open at both ends, reminding one of the Central American earthenware drums. It appears, however, from a careful examination, that the base was originally closed or partly closed, and that the end was broken out and the margin smoothed down so that in appearance it closel3' resembles the larger open end. The surface is embellished with bi'oad bands of red and incised figures, all probably highly con- ventionalized "animal features. A similar specimen embellished with unique incised patterns is shown in i and e of the same plate. In plate cvii a bunch of four vessels, as exposed while excavating a grave in a sand mound at Tarpon Springs, is shown. Still other speci- mens of inferior size and make, also from Tarpon Springs, are similar in style to the pieces already illustrated, while some are small, rude, and quite plain or decorated with crude designs, and a few are modeled in imitation of gourds, seashells, and animals. In some ca.ses compound and eccentric forms are seen. One medium-sized pot-like form, suggesting a common western type probably intended to stand for some life form, has a rudely incispd design encircling the shoulder and four looped handles placed at equal distance about the neck. Occasional specimens are tall, and have the wide mouth anc 3onic base so characteristic of the Appalachian region, and these are orna- mented with the patterned stamp in various styles. Fragments from Tarpon Springs showing the florid stamp designs are given in plate cviii, and griddle patterns appear in plate cix. The pottery secui-ed by Mr Cushing at San Marco on the Pile- 128 ABOKIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 dwelling sites, and associated with remains and relics of the most remarkable kind," is extremely simple in style, hardly excelling in its plastic and gi-aphic features the gourd and wooden vessels found in such profusion in the muck-filled canals and, in many cases, it appears to be modeled in imitation of these vessels. It does not differ in kind from the ordinary West Florida ware, however, which indicates the practical identity of the Pile-dwellers with other occupants of the region in time and culture. Somewhat common in the western and northwestern peninsular region is another variety of decorative treatment related to tht; deli- cate engraved work described above, but contrasting strongly with it. The designs in cases duplicate the peculiar scroll work of the Mobile- Pensacola district, and again are somewhat like the Tarpon Springs scroll work. The main peculiarity is that the lines are wide and are deeply incised, as is shown in plate ex «, I, c. In h, which is part of a large globular bowl, the figures are outlined in deep, clean lines, and some of the spaces are filled in with stamped patterns consisting of small checks, giving very pleasing results. In a and c some of the spaces are filled in with indentations made with a sharp point. Han- dled vessels — dippers, cups, and pots — are common, and it is not unu- sual to see the rim of a pot set with four or eight handles; e illustrates this feature and also a treatment of the scroll much like that preva- lent farther up the west coast. There are traces along this coast of rather pronounced variations in composition, shape, and decoration. A number of sherds illustrating the varied decorative effects produced by pinching with the finger nails are illustrated in/, g, and h. ANIMAL FIGURES It is not uncommon to find in many parts of Florida, and especially a:long the Gulf coast, portions of fairly well modeled animal figures, mostly only heads, which originally formed parts of bowls and other vessels. These correspond very closely with similar work in the West, and are almost duplications of the heads found in the Pensacola region. The detached heads have been found as far south as Goodland point, San Marco island, where Mr Moore picked up two specimens that had evidently been made use of as pendants, probablj' on account of some totemic or other significance attached to them. Mr Gushing also found one of these bird-head amulets in the canal deposits at San Marco. All are of western types, and may have been brought from north of the Gulf. On the whole, the employment of animal figures in the art of Florida, as well as of the Atlantic coast farther north, seems a late innovation, and the practice of embellishing vessels with these features has probably, in a large measure, crept in from the West. "Cushing. r. H., Exploration of ancient key-dweller remains, Proceedings of the American Philo- sophical Society, vol. xxxv. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII POTSHERDS WITH ORNATE STAMP DESIGNS FLORIDA PENINSULA (ABOUT ONE-HALF) or r (.- '^ UW(VE,7S/TY s&l kitORNA^i^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL.CIX POTSHERDS WITH GRIDDLE-LIKE STAMP DESIGNS FLORIDA PENINSULA (ABOUT ONE-HALF) «P A « y or r 1 = of . CALIfO«2iJ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX e (DIAMETER 6 INCHES) * h HANDLED CUP AND VARIOUS SHERDS FROM THE WEST COAST FLORIDA PENINSULA UNIV5:,;3ITV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI TOBACCO PIPES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) UNIVE,-:;SITY or- holmes) TOBACCO PIPES AND OLIVE JARS 129 TOBAC;C<) I'll'ES Tobacco pipe.s of oarthenware are quite rare in Florida. The speci- mens figured in j)late cxi are types, ^? being embellished with the imper- feit figure of a l>ird resting on the bowl and perforated by the bowl cavity, wliile h is iindecoi-ated. Other specimens appear in <•. ^, and e. In general sliape they correspond closely with the prevailing heavy-bodied pipes of the South and AYest. Only one entire specimen and two fragments have been re- ported from shell heaps. SPANISH OLIVE JAES From time to time collectors have reported the finding of pottery in Florida and other southern state.s bearing evi- dence of having been turned on a wheel, and also showing traces of a brownish glaze. Examination always discloses the fact that the ware is of Spanish manufacture. The Fig. 59— Spanish olive Jars. Florida. paste is that of ordinary terra cotta, and in cases is burned quite hard, resembling stoneware. The forms are little varied, the short bottle neck and the long-pointed base being notable characteristics. The encircling ribs left by careless throwing on the wheel are often quite 20 ETll— OS i) 130 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.20 pronounced. In nunierouts casoh' the in.side of tlie lip ha.s received a yellowish glaze. Occasionally these vessels are recovered from Indian mounds. In early times it was a common practice to ship olives to America in earthen jars of this class. Illustrations are given in figure 59. A very interesting specimen of this ware, figure 59 c, may be seen in the Natural History Museum at Boston. It is a jar with long, attenuated, conic base, whicTi, with a glass bottle, was found embedded in a mass of coral obtained by dredgers from a coral reef otf Turks island at the point where the British frigate Severn is said to have been wrecked about the year 1793. In a few instances very large and thick vessels of terra cotta have been reported, which are probably of European origin, and an anticiue bath tub of glazed earthenware was recently unearthed in one of the Gulf states. POTTERY OF THE SOUTH APPALACHIAN PROVINCE Extent of the Province A culture province of somewhat marked characteristics comprises the states of Georgia, South Carolina, and contiguous portions of Ala- bama, Florida, North Carolina, and Tennessee. On the arrival of the whites a large portion of this area was occupied or overrun by the Creek Indians or their congeners, now included by Major Powell under the head of the Muskhogean linguistic family. The earh' explorers of this region referred to the tribes encountered as "Apa- lachee," and the name Appalachian has been gi^'en by our geographers to the range of mountains that extends into the area from the north. The designation of the culture area is therefore historically and geo- graphical!}' appropriate. The general area over which the pottery of this group is distributed is indicated in the accompanying map, plate IV. Prevailing Types of Ware The ceramic phenomena of this province include one great gi'oup of products to which has been given the name South Appalachian stamped ware, and also several less distinctly marked varieties, belonging, in the main, to groups typically developed in neighboring areas. Of these overlapping varieties the Florida and Gulf Coast groups on the south, the middle Mississippi valley gi'oup on the west, and other less striking varieties on the north and east may be mentioned. Tribes of at least three of the stocks of people inhabiting this general region continued the practice of the potter's art down to the present time. The Catawbas and Cherokees are still engaged to a limited extent in pottery making; and the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Seminoles have, if the labeling of ceiiain specimens now in the National Museum is cor- rect, but recently' abandoned the work. The manufacture of earthen- ware by the two first-mentioned tribes is described in the introductory pages of this paper, and illustrations are presented in this section. "•"■"^J STAMP-DECORATED POTTERY 131 Anionj^- tlie moro noteworthy features of the ancient ceramic art of this province are the novel shapes of some of tlie vessels, the peculiar style of their decoration, the intermingling of local and what appear to be exotic forms, and. lastly, the very common use of vessels as recep- tacles for remains of the dead. A rare and exceptional feature of decoi-ation/described by Colonel C. C. Jones and others, is the use of bits of shell and bright stones in inlaying. These bits were set in decorative arrangements into the clay while it was yet plastic— an art practiced to a limited extent at the present day by primitive peoples on both continents, but never rising to a place of importiince. The principal fictile product of the province was the large caldron or cook pot, although bowls were used and fancifully shaped vessels are sometimes encountered. Small figurines and tobacco pipes were made in considerable numbers, and potsherds were often cut into discoid shapes, perhaps for playing games of skill or chance. The remains of what are supposed by some observers and writers to be primitive jjottery kilns have l»een reported, but the evidence is not conclusive in any case. The most striking variety of earthenware found within the limits of the Atlantic drainage is distributed very generally over Georgia and contiguous portions of all the adjoining states. For convenience of designation it has been called the South Appalachian stamped ware. Many of the more typical specimens in our collections came from the valley of the Savannah. The most strongly marked characteristics of this ware are its material, which is generally hard, heavy, and coarsely silicious; its shapes, the most notable of whicli is a deep caldron with conic base and flaring rim; and its decoration, which consists in great part of stamped figures of no little technic and artistic interest. This stamped pottery is obtained from mounds, graves of several classes, village sites, and shell heaps. In some localities it is asso- ciated with remains of distinct varieties of ware, but in others it seems to occur alone. This intermingling of different varieties is not confined to \illage sites and shell heaps where accident could have brought the different sorts together, but is common in mounds whose contents appear to have belonged to a single cionmiunity. Whether the different kinds of pottery originated with a single people, or whether the association is the result of the amalgamation of distinct groups of people, can not be determined. The area over Avhicli the sherds are scattered is so wide that we can hardly connect the manu- facture of even the more typical forms with any single tribe or group of tribes. It is distributed over areas occupied in historic times by numerous stocks of people, including the Algonquian. Iroquoian, Siouan. Muskhogean, and Timuquanan. Of these groups the Musk hogean probably has the best claim to the authorship of this ware. The modern Catawbas (Siouan) and Cherokees (Iroquoian), especially the 132 ABORIGINAL POTTKKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.an.n.20 latter, mako vessels correspond ing somewhat closely to those of Musk- hogean make, in some of their features, but these featui-es maj' have been but recently adopted by them. In the region producing type specimens, the material, shape, and ornament are so distinctive as unitedly to give the ware great individuality; but in other localities less typical forms are found to occur. In some sections the material changes, and we have only the shapes and decoration as distinguishing features, while in others we must depend on the decoration alone to indicate relationship with the type forms. MaTKRIALS AND CoLOK Usually the paste is hard and heavy, consisting of clay tempered with a large percentage of (juartz sand or pulverized quartz-bearing rock. Occasional specimens from the Eastern Shore are tempered with shell. In color this pottery is of the normal gray and brownish hues of the baked claj'. Form and Size The vessels of this group are well built, and have even, moderately thick walls and fair symmetry of outline. The shapes are not greatly varied as compared with other southern and M'ith the western groups. There are bowls, shallow and deep, mostly of large size, having both incurved and recurved rims. There are pots or caldrons ranging from mediimi to very large size, the largest having a capacity of 15 or 20 gallons. The form varies from that of a deep bowl to that of a much lengthened subcj'lindric vessel. The base is usuallj- somewhat conic, and in the bowls is often slightly truncated, so that the vessels stand upright on a flat surface. Uses As a rule the lai-ger pieces show indications of use over fire, and it is not improbable that this stamped ware was largely the domestic or culinary ware of the peoples who made it, and that other forms less enduring, and hence not so frequently preserved, except in frag- ments, were employed for other purposes. This view would seem to be confirmed in some degree by the occurrence of smaller and more delicate vessels distinct in shape and decorative treatment along with the stamped ware on village sites and in some of the mounds opened by the Bureau of American Ethnology. Some of these vessels, how- ever, are so very distinct in every way from the stamped pottery, and are so manifestly related to groups of ware in which stamped designs, conic forms and quartz tempering were unusual, that we may regard them tentativel3' as exotic The preservation of the culinary utensils elsewhere almost univer- sally found in fragments is due to their utilization for mortuary pur- poses. In no other province, perhaps, was the custom of burying the a (DIAMETER 12 INCHES) =% '/s b (DIAMETER 1li INCHES) BURIAL VASES WITH COVERS. HoLMt*] DECORATION OK APPALACHIAN POTTKRY 133 dead in earthen vessels so conmion as it was in the South Appalacliian. Generally the l)ones are charred, and in many cases they belono- to children. Ajiparently it was not customary to make vessels exclusively for burial purposes, although in some cases the bowl cover was con- structed for the purpose. Generally the mortuary vessel stood upright in the grave, but in some instances a large wide-mouthed vase was filled with bones and inverted, and in a few cases bowls have been found inverted over skulls or heaps of bones. In plate cxii we have illustrations of the manner in which these vessels were employed in burial. A bowl with incurved rim of a size to fit the mouth of the pot was set into it in an inverted position as a cover, as is shown b_v a. This specimen is from a mound near Mill- edgeville, Georgia. A vase of different type is shown in f>. It was obtained from a mound in Chatham county by Mr K. H. Hill, and is covered with a small bowl exactly fitting the cone-shaped top of the vase. Colonel C. C. Jones" gives a careful description of the discov- ery in a mound on Colonels island, Liberty county, (reorgia. of a burial vase with a lid of baked clay shaped to fit neatly. A smaller vessel containing the bones of an infant had been placed within the larger one. The larger vessel apparently difl'ered from those found farther inland in having been covered with textile imprints, and in having a slight admixture of shell tempering. In these respects it resembled the typical pottery of the Atlantic seaboard, affiliating with the Algonquian wares of the Middle Atlantic province. Dkcoratiox As has been mentioned, the remarkable style of decoration, more than any other feature, characterizes this potter\'. Elaborately fig- ured stamps were rarely used elsewhere, except in Central and South America. The exact form of the stamping tool or die is, of course, not easily determined, as the imprint upon the rounded surface of the vases represents usually only the middle portion of the figured sui'face of the implement. It is highly probable, however, that the stamp had a handle and therefore assumed the shape of a paddle, as do the stamps used by the Cherokees at the present time. Occasionally par- tial impressions of a small portion of the square or round margin of the stamp are seen. It was the usual practice to apply the stamp at random over the entire exterior surface of the vessel, and thus it hap- pened that the impressions encroached upon one another, rendering an analysis of the design, where it is complex, extremely difiicult. In many localities the design was simple, consisting of two series of shal- low lines or grooves crossing the paddle surface at right angles, leav- ing squarish interspaces in relief, so that the imprint on the clay gave "Jones, Charles C, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, New York. 1M73, p. 45.5. 134 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.anx.20 the reverse — that is, low ridges with shallow rectangular depressions in the interspaces. The lines vary from 3 to 1(» tt) the inch, and, when covering the surface of a vessel, give a hatched or checkered effect closeh' resem>)ling that made by imprinting a coarse fabric or a cord- wrappod tool. These figures have occasionally been regarded as impressions resulting from modeling the vessel in a basket or net, but close examination shows that the imprintings are in small, discon- nected areas, not coinciding or joining at the edges where the impres- sions overlap, and that the arrangement of parts is really not that of woven strands. The character of the work is fully elucidated by the Cherokee wooden paddles which are shown in plate cxiii a, h, c. One side of the broad part of the implement is covered with deeply engraved lines, carved no doubt with steel knives, but the work is not so neat and tlie grouping is not so artistic as in the ancient work. The effect produced by the use of such an implement is illustrated in d, a modern Cherokee pot, collected in 1889 by Mr James Mooney, and referred to alread}- under the head Manufacture. Where an intricate design was employed the partial impressions from the flat surface of thc^ paddle are so confused along the margins that in no case can the complete pattern be made out. By a careful study of a number of the more distinct imprints, however, the larger part of the designs may be restored. For several years rubbings of such imprintings as came to hand have been taken, and some of the more interesting are presented in plate oxiv. They consist, for the most part, of curved lines in graceful but formal, and possibly, as here used, meaningless combinations. By far the most common figure is a kind of compound filfot cross, swastika, or Thor's hanmier — that is to sa}^ a grouping of lines having a cross with bent arms as a base or center, shown in a and h. The four border spaces are filled in with lines parallel with the curved arms of the central figure. The effect of this design, as applied to the surface of a fine large vessel from a mound on the Savannah river 10 miles below Augusta, is well shown in plate cxv a. Another excellent example is seen in plate cxvi. An interesting result of my recent studies of the pottery of the region, referred to in the preceding section, is the observation that the designs stamped on the clay are in many cases closely analogous to designs used by the ancient insular Caribbean peoples. Many of the latter designs are engraved on utensils of wood, and the Appalachian stamps on which the designs were carved were likewise of wood, which suggests contact or intimate relationship of the peoples in ancient times. There can hardly be a doubt that Antillean influence was felt in the art of the whole southeastern section of the United States, or that, on the other hand, the culture of the mainland impi-essed itself strongly on that of the contiguous islands. A comparison of the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIII a (LENGTH 91 INCHES) C (LENGTH 95 INCHES) d (DIAMETER 10 INCHES) CHEROKEE STAMP-DECORATED POT, AND PADDLE STAMPS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV g R= s ge a u. STAMP DESIGNS RESTORED FROM IMPRESSIONS ON VASES SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP HOLMES] APPALACHIAN STAMPED WARK 135 stamped designs illustrated in plate cxI^■ with others of Florida and Guadeloupe island, given in a recent publication." will make the anal- ogies apparent. The stamped ware is found plentifully throughout the state of Georgia and as far west along the Gulf coast as Mobile ba3' . Stamp designs constitute the prevailing decoration in the wares of Earh' country, southwestern Georgia. In eastern Tennessee, at a few points on the eastern side of the valley of the Tennessee river, examples varying considei-ably from the Savannah tA'pe have been observed. The vessels are generally intermingled with western forms of potterJ^ North Carolina furnishes some stamped ware, and in South Carolina stamped ware appears to be the prevailing variety. On the Florida peninsula this ware seems to have lost some of its most typical characters, the vessels having different shapes and the stamp designs consisting mainly of simple reticulations. Although some of the peculiar designs with which the paddle stamps were embellished may have come, as has been suggested, from neigh- boring Antillean peoples, it is probable that the implement is of conti- nental origin. It is easy to see how the use of figured modeling tools could arise with any people out of the simple, primitive processes of vessel modeling. As the walls were built up by means of flattish strips of claj% added one upon another, the fingers and hand were used to weld the parts together and to smooth down the uneven surfaces. In time various improvised implements would come into use — shells for scraping, smooth stones for rubbing, and paddle-like tools for malle- ating. Some of the latter, having textured surfaces, would leave figured imprints on the plastic surface, and these, producing a pleas- ing effect on the primitive mind, would lead to extension of use, and, finall}^ to the invention of special tools and the adding of elaboi-ate designs. But the use of figured surfaces seems to have had other than purely decorative functions, and, indeed, in most cases, the deco- rative idea may have been secondary. It will be observed by one who attempts the manipulation of clay that striking or paddling with a smooth surface has often a tendency to extend flaws and to start new ones, thus weakening the wall of the vessel, but a ribbed or deeply figured surface properly applied has the effect of welding the clay together, of kneading the plastic sui'face. producing numberless minute dovetailings of the clay which connect across weak lines and incipient cracks, adding greatlj' to the strength of the vessel. That the figured stamp had a dual function, a technic and an esthetic one, is fully apparent. When it was applied to the surface it removed unevenness and welded the plastic clay into a firm, tenacious mass. Scarifying with a rude comb-like tool was employed in some sections for the same purpose, and was so used more generally on the inner « Holmes, W. H., Caribbean influence on the prehistoric ceramic art of the southern states, American Anthropologist, vol. vn, p. 71. 136 ABORIGINAL PilTTERY OK EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.JO surface, whore a paddle or stamp coidd not be employed. That this was recognized as one of the functions of the stamji is shown by the fact that in many neatly finished vessels, where certain portions received a smooth finish, the paddle had first been used over the entire vessel, the pattern being aftei"ward worked down with a polishing stone. However, the beautj' of the designs employed and the care and taste with which they were ajjplied to the \ases t)ear ample testi- mony to the fact that the function of the stamp as used in this prov- ince was largelj- esthetic. It may be safely assumed, in addition, that in many cases the figures were significant or s^'mbolic. The use of stamps and stamp-like tools in other regions will be mentioned under the proper headings. Examples VASES The specimens shown in plate cxv may well be taken as types of the lai'ger vessels of the Appalachian varietj'. The large vessel n is blackened b}' use over fire, and it not unlikely served the humble purpose of preparing food messes for the family, somewhat after the manner so graphically described and illustrated in Hariot's history of the Roanoke colony," and shown in plate ii. It is nearly symmetric, is 16 inches in height and the same in diameter, and has a capacity of about 15 gallons. The paddle-stamp has been carefullj' used, giving a pretty uniform all-over pattern; the design is shown three-fourths actual size in plate cxiva. The rim is decorated with two encircling lines of annular indentations and four small nodes indented in the center, placed at equal intervals about the exterior. From the same mound with the above several other similar vessels were obtained, two of them being larger than the one illustrated. Some fine, large bowls from the same mound have the entire exterior surface decorated with the usual compound filfot stamp. One of these is presented in the lower figure, plate cxv Z>. The handsome vessel illustrated in plate cxvi was uncovered b^' the plow on Ossabaw island, Chatham county, Georgia. The negroes who discovered it at once reburied it. The manager of the place, learning of this, dug it up again. Within the vase wei'e the bones of a child, with a few beads and ornaments. The bones were reinterred by the negroes, who feared that bad luck would follow wanton disturbance of the dead. A bowl, parts only of which were saved, was inverted over the top of the urn, and had prevented the earth from accumulat- ing within. The specimens were acquired by Mr William Harden, of Savannah, who presented them to the Bureau of American Ethnology. This vase corresponds fully in material, shape, and finish with others from various parts of the Appalachian region. The stamped pattern o Harlot, Thomas, A brief and true report of the new fuund laud of Virginia, Fraulcfort, 1590, pi. xv. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV a (HEIGHT 16 INCHES) b (DIAMETER 16i INCHES) TYPICAL SPECIMENS OF STAMP-DECORATED WARE SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI LARGE VASE DECORATED WITH FILFOT STAMP DESIGN SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP (HEIGHT 15 INCHES) O' THE UNIVERSITY ^ or BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII b (HEIGHT ABOUT 9 INCHES) a (HEIGHT 14 INCHES) VASES DECORATED WITH PADDLE-STAMP IMPRESSIONS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP «<'i»*»l POTTERY OF THE SAVANNAH 137 i.s of the most u.sual typo, but ditfcrs from others in having nodes at the center and in having the arms of the cross curvod, as sliown in ))late c\ivh. The height is 15 inches, and the diameter at the rim 1-J inelies. Tjie bowl cover is of the same liind of ware, and is well made and synnnetric. The surface inside and out is finished with a polishing tool. The color, as in most of tiiis ware, is a dark brownish gray, somewhat mottled by firing or l)y use over fire. Four S-shajx-d ornaments, with nodes placeil within the curves, are set about the most expanded part of the body. The diameter is 12i inches and the dei)tli 7 or 8 inches. The specimen presented in plate cxvik^ was plowed up near Mil- ledgeville, Georgia. It was engraved on wood for Dr. Charles Ran, and was published in his Collections of the National Museum. I)ut the defects of drawing are such as to mislead the student with respect to the character of the surface finish. The stamp design was a very simi)l(> one, founded on the cross, the four inclosed angles being filled in l)y straight lines, as is seen in plate fxivr. One arm of the cross was more .strongly relieved than the other, and this ga^e rise, where the impr(>ssions happened to be continuous, to the heavy lines shown in.exaggerated form in the Kau engraving. That the stamp was rigid and flat on the face is ajiparent from the nature of the impressions on the convex surface of the vase, and also from numerous deep iinj)res- sions of the edge of the tool at the sharj) curAe of the vessel where the neck joins the body. The somewhat fragmentary \ase presented in f> was obtained from a mound in Geoi-gia. The stamj) design, so far as it could be deciphered, is given in plate c;xiv d, and embodies as its main feature the guilloche or the imperfectly connected scroll. The association of the stamped earthenware with ware tvpical of surrounding regions may be accounted for in two ways first, through occujiation of a single site by more than one group of people at the same or at different times, and, second, by the possession or manu- facture of more than one variety by a single community. Two inter- esting illustrations of the intermingling of types may be presented. ^Explorations carried on for the Bureau of American Kthnologv under the direction of Dr Thomas in the mounds and graves of Caldwell county, North C'arolina. yielded many fine examples of potterv, among which were vases and bowls of southern type, bowls decorated with modeled animal heads and other relieved ornaments in western stvle, fabric-marked pieces, and rude, undecorated vessels, such as character- ize the middle Atlantic tidewater region. A striking example of the intermingling of separate types was brought to light by the opening of a small mound 10 miles below Augusta, on the Savannah river, Richmond county. Georgia, by Mr H. L. Reynolds, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. No mound has yielded finer examples of the stamped ware, two pieces of which 138 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.an.n.20 have already been given (plate cxv), and along with them and intimatel}- associated in the original interments were typical western forms. One piece, a long-necked bottle, with decoration in black paint, would, so far as its general appearance goes, be more at home in western Ten- nessee, or even beyond the Mississippi. This piece is shown in plate cxviiia. It is neither as well made nor as neatly finished as its western prototypes, and the walls are unusually thick. The claj' is tempered with quartz and mica-bearing sand, a strong indication that the vase is actually of Appalachian manufacture. Other bottles of western form, but undecorated, were recovered. One remarkable piece is shown in h; it resembles closely the famous "triune vase," c, from Canj' branch of the Cumberland river, Tennessee, described by Caleb Atwater." Hardly less remarkable was the occurrence in this richly stocked mound of two cylindric cup-shaped vases, embellished with figures of rattlesnakes, combining in execution, materials, finish, and decoration most of the best features of the wares of the lower Mississippi and the Gulf coast. Unlike the ordinary vessels of the region, these ves- sels are of the finest clay, which in the interior of the mass is of a light gray color. The sui-face is blackened and well polished, and the designs, engraved with a tine sharp point, penetrate to the light paste, giving a striking effect. One of these vases appears in plate cxviii d. Encircling its slightly incurved walls are figures of- two horned or antlered rattlesnakes and a third serpent only partially worked out. Occupying one of the interspaces between the sinuous bodies of the serpents is a human face resembling a mask, connecting with lines apparently intended to suggest a serpent's body. The smaller cup contains the drawing of a single serpent extending twice around the circumference. These rattlesnakes are drawn in highlj' conventional style, but with a directness and ease that could result only from long practice in the engraver's art. They are doubtless of symbolic origin, and the vases were probably consecrated to use in ceremonials in which the i-attle- snake was a potent factor. The delineation of the serpent is not spe- cifically different from other examples engraved on stone, clay, and • shell found in several parts of the South and West. This remarkable design is illustrated one-third actual size in plate cxix«. The part at the extreme right repeats the corresponding part at the left. The human head or mask is unique among pottery decorations, but it is not distinct in type from the heads stamped in sheet copper found in the mounds of Georgia and those engraved on shell in many parts of the Appalachian and Middle Mississippi regions. That such a diverse array of ceramic products, inadequately repre- sented by the illustrations given, should have been assembled in an a Atwater, Caleb, Western antiquities, Columbus, 1833, p. 140. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII 6 (HEIGHT 7i INCHES) a (HEIGHT 9 INCHES) d (HEIGHT 5 INCHES) VASES OF VARIED DESIGN AND EMBELLISHMENT SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP X o Q z < > X o CO LlJ I- < o I CO CO UJ CO < > o a: CO z o CO LU Q a UJ > < a: C3 z UJ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX BOWL WITH ELABORATE ENGRAVED DECORATIONS (MOORE COLLECTION)- SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP (LENGTH 9ii INCHES) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI b (DIAMETER li: INCHES) a (DIAMETER 12i INCHES) LARGE VESSELS FROM EASTERN GEORGIA SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) "OLXts] POTTKBY OF THE SAVANNAH 139 obscure mound on the lower Savannah is indeed remarkable. Excel- lent examples of the potterj- of the South, the Southwest, and the West are thus found within 100 miles of the Atlantic sea»)oard. Not the k'iist interestinof feature of this find was the occurrence of part of an old-fashioned English iron drawing knife and some wrought-iron nails, associated, according to the report of Mr Reynolds, with the various articles of clay, stone, and copper in the mound, thus apparently showing that the mound was built and that all the varieties of ware were made or iussembled by a single conununity in post-Columbian times. Mr Reynolds was firm in his belief that these vases and the diverse articles referred to were associated in the original interments in the mound, yet many will feel like questioning this conclusion. If a mis- take was made by the explorer with respect to this point, the interest in the series is hardly lessened. If he is right, the mound was built by a post-Columbian community composed of distinct groups of people still practicing to some extent their appropriate arts, or by members of a single group which, by association, capture, or otherwise, had brought together artisans from distinct nations, or had from various available sources secured the heterogeneoas group of objects of art assembled. If he is wrong, we are free to assume that the original stock which practiced the ordinary arts of the Appalachian province had built the mound and deposited examples of their work; that, at a later period, they had acquired and used exotic artifacts in burial in the same mound, oi-, that the mound was, after the coming of the whites, adopted by a distinct people who there buried their dead, together with articles of their own and of European manufacture. In such a case it would be reasonable to suppose that the earlier people were of Muskhogean or Uchean stock, and that the latter were the Savannahs or Shawnees. The report of Mr Reynolds on the opening of this remarkable mound is embodied in the work of Dr Thomas in the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. A number of clay pipes obtained from this mound art; shown in plate cxxrv. They are of foi-ms prevalent in the general region. The extension of typical Appalachian wares eastward toward the coast of North and South Carolina and Georgia is made manifest bj* recent researches of Mr Clarence B. Moore. From a mound in Mcin- tosh county. Georgia, Mr Moore obtained the remarkable bowl shown in plate cxx, and a second specimen nearly duplicating it. It is quite eccentric in shape, as is well shown by contrasting the end view, a, with the side views, h and c. The color is quite dark, and the surface well polished. It is embellished with engraved figures in lines, and excavated spaces covering nearly the entire surface. The scroll bor- der above is somewhat irregularly placed, and encircles, at opposite sides, a little node, the only modeled feature of the vase. The design, drawn at full length, is shown in plate Cxix/>, and is apparently a 140 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF KASTERN UNITED STATES [etii. ann,20 mtlier crudo iitteuipt to dcpift ii hird-ssoi'iR'nt iiioiifitcr. ^ionu; uf the elements undoubtedly referring to the eye, wings, and feathers of the bird, while cert^vin other features suggest the serpent; as a decoration it is verv effective. It undoubtedly represents an iinjjortant niytho- logic concept. The design from the companion vessel is shown also on this plate (r). and is a more simplified presentation of the same subject. The large jar illustrated in plate oxxi« is unique in the shape of the neck, which is depressed, sinking partly within the shoulder. The form is graceful and effective, however, and the decoration is the typical button-centered filfot. applied with a paddle-stamp. It appears also that vessels of the Gulf Coast type— at least with respect to the ornamentation— occur on the Atlantic coast, and one is shown in plate cxxi/a This is a tub-like specimen, 1.5 or 16 inches in diameter, with broken incised scroll work encircling the upper half of the body, which expands toward the base in a way seldom noticed in war(> of its class. In the collections recently made by Dr Roland Steiner in northwest- ern Georgia, we find another novelty in the shape of some terra-cotta " figures. Some of these appear to have been derived from the mar- gins of bowls or other vessels, while others are figurines pure and simple. The faces in some cases are modeled with exceptional skill, but the most notable feature is the flattening of the head, which gives to the specimens a striking resemblance to the flat-headed terra-cotta figures of Mexico. These objects are shown in plates cxxii and cxxiii. The associated vessels are all of South Appalachian type. TOBACCO riPKS It is difficult to say what forms the tobacco pipes of the southern Indians had taken in pre-Columbian times, the early writers having said little with reference to them. Their great number, the high degree of elaboration, and the wide differentiation of form indicate, however, a long period of tobacco pipe making. Stone was evi- dently .the favorite material, and steatite, especially, being easily carved,' handsome in appearance, and not aft'ected by fire, took a promi- nent place. The historic tribes of the region, and especially of the Carolinas, have always been great pipe makers and have for at least a hundred years" practiced the art with much ardor, using the prod- uct in trade with neighboring tribes and with the whites. This commercial work has led to no end of fanciful elaboration of form, and to much that is strained and bad. ' We are led by this circumstan<-e to question the age of all the more ornate forms of pipes not found in associations that prove them to be ancient. The prevailing Algonquian clay pipe was a simple bent tube, and the Iroquois elaboi-ated the same general form by v arious modiflca^ a Lawson, John, History of Carolina, Raleigh, 1860, pp. 56, 338. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL.CXXII FIGURINES FROM NORTHWESTERN GEORGIA SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP (ACTUAL SIZE) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXII FIGURINES FROM NORTHWESTERN GEORGIA SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP {ACTUAL SIZE) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIV TOBACCO PIPES FROM BURIAL MOUNDS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV TOBACCO PIPES FROM BURIAL MOUNDS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVl d (LENGTH 5j INCHES! TOBACCO PIPES FROM BURIAL MOUNDS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP iry JIA- HOUUSS] TOBACCO PIPES AND OBNAMENTS 141 tions and additions. The same radical form is discovered in tlie cla,y pipes of the Appalachian country. As has been observed elsewhere in this paper, the group.s or varieties of pipes are not so well marked as are the groups of vessels. Pipes are subject to free transportation, and no matter how distinctive the work of a given people, the pres- ence of so many stocks moving back and forth must necessarily have led to nmch confusion. Nothing more will here be attempted than the presentation of plates in which are brought together a number of the more usual clay pipe forms from the general region. The clay used was probably much the same as that employed by the same peoples in \essel making, but was left pure or was tempered with finely comminuted ingredients. The surfaces were usually well polished or were covered with various relieved ornaments. The colors were those of the baked clay. As a rule the fundamental shape was the bent trumpet; often, however, it was much modified, and was sometimes loaded with animal and con- ventional features in relief or in the round, as is shown in plates cxxiv and cxxv. Effigy pipes in clay are not common, but good examples are seen in our nuiseums, and several are presented in plate cxxvi. The heavy pipe with stem and bowl of nearly equal weight is a western and southern type found all the way from Florida to Arkan- sas. Two specimens of this variety were found in a mound on the St Johns river, Florida, by Mr C. B. Moore. POTTERY DISKS Pottery disks cut from sherds of ordinary ware are common in the South Appalachian region as well as along the Gulf coast, and it may be Fig. 60— Small disks cut from sherds. added that they are found to some extent over nearly the entire pot- tery-producing region. Some of these objects may have been used in 142 ABORIGINAL VOTTEKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.'JI) playing games of skill or chanco. but two pairs, found by Mr Moore in graves, indicate the use of the perforated ones as cores for copper ear-disks. A few examples are illustrated in figure fiO. Origin of thk Varietiks of Ware It is not yet possible to make a satisfactory analysis of tiie pottery of the Carolinas. The presence here in pre-Columbian times of numerous stocks of people and the practice of the art by some of the tribes down even to the present da}- have led to great complexity of phenomena. It happens also that the region has been hut little studied, and no one has undertaken the interesting task of tracing the art of the modern tribes — the Cherokees and Catawbas — bac-k through the many changes of the last three hundred j^ears to its pre-Columbian phases. The Cherokees and Tuscaroras are of Iroquoian stock. The former people practice their art to-day in one locality in western North Carolina; the latter, who removed to New York to join the league of the Iroquois early in the eighteenth centurj', dwelt in central and east- ern North Carolina, and probably left ware of somewhat marked pecu- liarities in this region, as well as in Virginia. The lichees, and the Yamassees, of Muskhogean stock, dwelt on the Savannah, but probably ceased pottery making at an early date, as they were among tlie. first to come into familiar contact with the colonists. The Shawnees, a tribe of Algonquian stock known in early times as ''Savannahs," occu- pied part of Carolina and Georgia, and must have left numerous ti'aces of their presence. Two tribes of Siouan stock, the Tutelo and Catawba, and perhaps others not so well known, inhabited parts of northern Georgia and western Carolina, and a small area in south-central Vir- ginia, and it is probable that much of the confusion observed in the ceramics of these sections is due to this occupation. The stock was a vigorous one, and must have developed decided characteristics of art, at least in its original habitat, which is thought to be west of the Alleghenies. Through the presence of the various tribes of these five linguistic families, and probably others of prehistoric times, the highly complicated art conditions were brought about. Whether the woi'k of the various tribes was sufficiently individualized to permit of the separation of the remains at the present day is a question yet to be decided, but there is no doubt that the task may be at least partially accomplished by sj'stematic collection and study. The first necessary step in this work is a study of the modern and historic work of the tribes that have kept up the practice of the art to the present day. In the introductorj' pages, under the head Manu- facture, the plastic art of the Catawba.s and the Cherokees has been described at some lengtli. We naturally seek in the Siouan work in the West analogies with the work of the former tribe, as it was of UOLME8] MODERN WARE OF THE CAROLINAS 143 Siouan stock. But the Siouaii peoples have not been pottei-y makers in recent times, and we have no means of making comparisons, save on the theory that the Middle Mississippi ware is wholly or partly of Siouan make. Moreover, the modern Catawban pottery has been so raodilied by post-Columbian conditions that few of the original char- acteristics are left, and comparison is fruitless. But an examination of numerous ancient siti^s and a number of mounds in the region occupied by the Catawbas in early historic time, and for an indefinite period in pre-Columbian times, yields forms of vessels distinctly western in some of their features, and in cases there appear also pretty well- defined characteristics of the historic Catawba work. A group of Catawban vessels collected between the years 1876 and 1886 is pre- sented in plate cxxviir/. A num})er of pipes of this people of the same or a later period are shown in plate cxxviii. Specimens found on the older dwelling sites of the people resemble the modern pottery in color and finish, but they are of better work- manship, and the shapes resemble less closely those of the whites. All are flat-bottomed, have the thick walls and peculiar color and polish of modern Catawba ware, and are well within the Catawba habitat, even if not from sites inhabited by them in historic times. One speci- men labeled "'Seminole" is identical with Catawba ware. It is prob- able that many other examples of old Catawban work exist, but only these few have fallen into my hands. Points of correspondence between this modern ware and the ware of the mounds in ancient Catawban territory. North Carolina, will be pointed out when the latter is presented. A remnant of the Cherokee tribe now occupies a small reservation in Swain county, western North Carolina. These people were in posses- sion of an immense tract of the South Appalachian i-egion when first encountered by the whites, and there is nothing to indicate that they were not long resident in this region. An examination of their mod- ern art in clay develops the fact that they are skillful potters, and what is of special interest is the fact that their ware has several points of analogy with the ancient stamped pottery of the South Appa- lachian province. Their ware retains more of the archaic elements of form than does that of the Catawbas, and the stamps they use in deco- ration are identical in many respects with those formerly used in the entire region extending from southern Florida to Virginia. The question may thus be raised as to whether the Cherokees, rather than the Uchees or the Muskhogean tribes, are not the people repre- sented by the ceramic remains of the Southeast. Such speculations are, however, in the present state of our knowledge, quite vain, and they may be misleading. All we can surely know is that these people retain well-defined features of the ancient art of the region, and that much of the ancient stamped ware of northern Georgia, western 144 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EA3TERN UNITED STATES [eth.anx..>0 Carolina, and eastern Tennessee is probabl}- theirs, for it is found on the sites known to have been long occupied by them. Specimens of modern Cherokee work are shown in plate cxxvii^i. Processes of manufacture have been sufficiently dwelt on in the intro- ductory pages. In plate cxxix a number of vases from mounds in Caldwell county, North Carolina, are brought together. They displa_v great diversity of characters — eastern, southern, and western — and, at the same time, bear evidence of recentness, and. in cases, of relationship to modern ware. All are tempered with silicious ingredients, and all seem, from the manner of their occurrence, to have belonged to a single com- munity. Two specimens, the right and left in the lower row, are typic- ally western in appearance. In the upper middle vase wo see the handles and the side ornament in relief characters rare on the eastern slope but common in Tennessee; the stamped piece on its right affiliates with the southern ware, and the upper left-hand vase is a southern shape having incised designs like those of the Gulf coast. The remaining cup shown illustrates the use of fabrics in the construction and embellishment of pottery. The entire surface is deeply marked with a textile mesh, which at first sight suggests that of the. interior of a rude basket, but close examination shows that it is the impres- sion of a pliable fabric of open mesh woven in the twined st3'le. It is seen that there is much lack of continuity in the imprinting, and also that the markings must be the i-esult of wrapping the plastic vessel in fabrics to sustain it, or of the separate applications of a bit of the texture held in the hand or wound about a modeling paddle. This piece is more at home on the Atlantic coast of North Carolina and Virginia than it is in the South or West. From the Jones mound, in the same section, we have a series of vessels of still more modern look. So far as shape and finish go the}' are decidedly like the modern Catawba ware. Over all this Carolina region there are indications of southern as well as western and northern influence, and vessels and sherds are obtained in many places that affiliate with the art of the South. The stamped varieties are intermingled with the other forms in the shell heaps of the Atlantic, on river sites back to the mountains, and. in places, even across to the heads of western-flowing streams. There are also specimens of the peculiar florid scroll work of the Gulf province, and we may infer that southern tribes made their influ- ence felt as far north as Virginia, beyond which, however, a scroll design, or even a curved line, is practicalh' unknown, and the southern peculiarities of shape are also absent. As we pass to the east and north in North Carolina it is found that the southern and western styles of ware gradually give way to the archaic forms and textile decorations of the great Algonquian area. From a BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII a (DIAMETER OF LARQE BOWL lOi INCHES) b IDIAMETER OF LARGE POT 10 INCHES) MODERN POTTERY OF THE CATAWBA AND CHEROKEE INDIANS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP :f>i. Of l^fiNtlA CO z < o z < 5 < < O UJ X CL o o O < O h- z cc UJ Q o 2 >- o o O < Z < o I H tr O CO Q Z o _l < CQ 2 O DC U. > UJ I- I- O Q- "">"*>] ALOONQUIAX POTTERY 145 kitchen midden on the Yadkin, in AVilkes county, within less than 25 miles of the Vii-frinia line, we have a few specimens of very rude stamped ware and many pieces of larjre. coarse vessels that duplicate th(> shell-heap ware of the Chesapeake. This is about the northern limit of southern forms. l>ut northern forms extend, with gradually decrcasinjr fre(|uency. to the western and southern borders of the state. rorPKRY OF THE MIDDLE ATLANTIC PROVINCE Rkvikw of thk Ai.(iONQUiAN Akeas As was pointed out in the introductory pages, a broad and impor- tant distinction is to be drawn between the ceramic products of the two great region.s which may be designated, in a general way, as the North and the South. The former comprises that part of the great Algon- quian-Iroquoian territory of historic times which lies to the north of a somewhat indefinite line extending from below Cape Hatteras, on the Atlantic coast, through southwestern Virginia, eastern Kentucky, middle Ohio, northern Indiana, northern Illinois, and middle Iowa to Nebraska, and beyond; the latter comprehends the territory to the south of this line. The ceramic art of the North is archaic and simple, that of the South is well ad\anced and complex. South of the line there are compound and varied forms; north of it all forms are simple. The pottery of the South has animal shapes; that of the North has none. The South has vessels with high, narrow necks, and stands and legs; the North ha.s none. The South has i>ainted surfaces and decorations; the North has no color, save the natural hues of the baked clay. The South has the fret, scroll, and other current ornaments, as well as symbolic and delineative designs; the North has little else than simple combina- tions of straight lines. There are questions coming up for consideration in this connection, aside from those relating to the grouping and description of the ware, with which this paper is mainly concerned. We seek, for example, the meaning of the somewhat abrupt change of phenomena in pa.ssing from the South to the North. Is it due to differences in race? Were the southern tribes as a Iwdy more highly endowed than the northern, or did the currents of migration, representing distinct centers of culture, come from opposite quarters to meet along this line? Or does the difference result from the unlike environments of the two sections, the one fertile and salubrious, encouraging progress in art, and the other rigorous and exacting, checking tendencies in that dicretion? Or does the weakening art impulse indicate increas- ing distance from the great art centers in the far South, in Mexico and Yucatan? We are constrained also to ask. Is it possible to identify 20 ETH— 03 10 146 ABORIGINAL POTTKKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.akn.M the people or any of the peojiles concerned on either hand, to follow their movements from place to place, to follow them back through the mutations of their history? These questions and othei-s come up for consideration. Answers, or partial answers, to some of them will probably be forthcoming as investigation goes on. Aside from these general questions, which ar(^ always uppermost in the mind of the ethnologist, there are others which pertain to the ceramic art in particular. What do these archaic northern forms teach of the beginnings and progress of art, and what can we learn from them of the inceptive stages of ornament? These queries have been considered to some extent in the introductory pages, and additional suggestions are made in presenting the various groups of ware. To exactly- what extent the Algonquian tribes are responsible for the northern types of pottery, aside from those definitely assignable to the Iroquois, maj' never be fully determined, but that these tyjjes are largely Algonquian may be assumed from the historic occupation of many sections by pottery -making communities of that family. There are complications in the Ohio valley and also, to some extent, in the northern Illinois-Indiana region, where the ceramic phenomena are complex, apparently representing successive occupations of the area by different peoples. It may in time appear that numerous stocks of people were concerned, for, though the ceramic remains indicate in general a primitive condition — a rather uniform grade of progress for the peoples represented — there is marked divergence in the other groups of products; art in stone, bone, and metal had reached a com- paratively high degree of advancement in some sections. It may be remarked, however, that had the whole area no-w assigned to the Algonquian stock been occupied by that stock from the first, to the exclusion of all others, we could not expect unifoi-mity in art remains over so vast an area. Communities of the same blood and culture grade, separated for a long period by great distances, and existing under distinctive environments, would acquire and develop activities and arts only a little less varied than would nonconsanguineous groups under like conditions. It is significant, however, that as we glance over the whole field we observe in the ceramic remains a marked family resemblance, not an equality of gi-ade only, but close analogies in many features of treatment, form, finish, and decoration. Beginning in the coastal districts of the Carolinas, we pass to Vir- ginia, to New Jersey, to Connecticut, to Massachusetts, and to Elaine through a series of groups exhibiting differences in detail, but having decided general likeness. If we pass from the east across the great highland to the Ohio valley, we find that the differences are moi-e marked. There is a general resemblance, with here and there signs of stronger touches and more advanced ideas and practices, but as we pass bej'ond to the upper Mississippi and the Great lakes, the East is """if-'l PAMLICO-ALBEMABLK POTTERY 147 seen to be repeated in a marked manner, and the merest details nuist be relied upon to separate sherds from the two distant regions, if, by accident, thev ln'come intermingh'd. The Iroquoian group will be treated in a separate section, while the northern and (>astern Algonquian territory maj' l)e reviewed iis care- fully as tile meager collections and incomplete observations at hand will permit. In the rather imperfect light of present knowledge, we may to best advantage consider the ceramic work of this great province under heads which express something of geographic culture grouping. First, we have the Middle Atlantic province, which, for comparative study of details, may be further separated into several subdivisions, the principal being the Chesapeake-Potomac region, which presents a well- defined unit, geographically, culturally, and ethnically." Second, there are the entire New Jersey and New England areas. The first of these appears to be divided somewhat between the Delaware valley and the coastal districts, while in the second collected data are so meager that little can be done in the way of systematic technic or comparative study. These Atlantic provinces are indicated approximately on the accompanying map, plate iv. Third is the Ohio Valley province, in which we shall have two or three subdivisions of fictile remains which are not distinct geographic groups, one of them, at least, extending far to the west in a succession of areas. Fourth, we have the Upper Mis- sissippi and Missouri Valley provinces, so far little studied; and fifth, the region of the Great lakes, of which we have only fragmentary bits of information. Pamlico-Albemaklk Ware " South Appalachian forms of ware prevail throughout Georgia and South Carolina, save along the coast, where the simple textile-marked wares of the North extend far southward, gradually diminishing in fre- quency of occurrence. Southern forms prevail largely in North Caro- lina, giving way farther north and in the region of the great sounds and their tide-water tributaries to other forms apparently showing Algonquian handiwork or influence. The change from southern to northern types is rather gradual, which may have resulted from con- tact of peoples living contemporaneously in neighboring districts. In some cases all varieties are found together, as in the Lenoir mounds in Caldwell county. North Carolina, the village sites of the Yadkin, and elsewhere. The intermingling does not consist exclusively in the assemblage of specimens of separate groups of ware, as if people from different sections had successively occupied the sites", but features typical of these sections are combined in the same group of vessels, or even in the same ves.sel. "In the illustrations all the pottery of the Middle Atlantie province hns t«?eii classed as of the rhesapeaJce-Potoniac gronp. 148 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OK EASTKRN UNITKD STATES [eth.asn.20 The northernmost adviinoo, of strictly South Appahichian foatur(>s of the art so far observed is in the vallej- of the Yadkin in North Carolina, near the Virginia line; and the farthest advance of southwestern fea- tures is in the upper valleys of the Shenandoah and James, on the his- toric highway of the tribes between the North and South. Particular attention may be called to the contents of village sites on the Yadkin in Wilkes county, North Carolina, just referred to. Here we have rather rude ware, mostly large, lire-blackened culinary uten- sils, manifestly of comparatively recent date. Among the sherds are a few pieces bearing stamped designs of southern type. We also have examples of the large, conic, net-marked vessels so prevalent in the Potomac-Chesapeake country. A wide zone of sites extending across the middle section of the state on the line of the Y'adkin. and probably down to the sea in South Carolina, exhibits a remarkable intermingling of northern and southern elements. In form the Wilkes county midden ware is limited almost exclu- sively to the wide mouthed caldron, with rather long body and some- what conic base. The vessels are rudely treated, unsymmetric in shape, and thick- walled. The paste is tempered with a large percentage of gritty sand or coarsely pulverized steatite, the fragments of the latter standing out in high relief on weathered surfaces. The steatite in many cases forms one-half or two-thirds of the mass. In plate oxxx a series of outlines is given, restored from the many large fragments, which will convey a fair idea of the character of the vessels. This ware exhibits great diversity of surface treatment. Aside from the few stamped pieces (which may be the work of a separate people, although akin. to the prevailing type in everything save the surface finish), the vessels are nearly all marked with netting of about the weight of our finest fish netting (plate cxxxA). A superficial examination gives the impression that the vessels have been modeled or handled when plastic in a net, or that a net has been applied to the entire surface by wrapping, but a study of the markings shows that generally the texture has been applied with the aid of a net-covered paddle with which the plastic surface was beaten. In plate cxxxia is photographically reproduced a fragment in which five facet-like sur- faces, the result of that number of applications of the net-covered implement, are imperfectly shown. Certain heavier knottings are repeated in each impression, demonstrating the fact that the fabric was fixed to the tool and not applied to the vessel as a mold or wrap- ping. Had the latter been the case, the mesh impression would have been somewhat completely connected and continuous. In numerous cases parts of the surfaces have been scarified with a serrate-edged tool or comb, obliterating the net marks, as if in preparation for polishing and decorating. In a few cases very rude incised figures have been added, as is seen in the examples given in plates cxxxki and cxxxII^^ 6UREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOdV tWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX a (DIAMETER 13; INCHES) C (DIAMETER 6 INCHES) li (DIAMETER 9 INCHES) e (DIAMETER 10 INCHES) *"-" - - ■■ ' ' "".:'if!^»iyi-y:^' g (DIAMETER 11 INCHES) KITCHEN MIDDEN POTTERY WITH VARIED MARKINGS CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI KITCHEN MIDDEN POTTERY OF THE YADKIN VALLEY CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP fnsic-uAi c ) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL.CXXXII KITCHEN MIDDEN POTTERY OF THE YADKIN VALLEY CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP .«^^. OF ' y "'"^"►"l PIEDMONT PLATKAU POTTERY 149 The rim whs t^uioothed down with the fingers, and the interior surface was finished with tlie scarifying tool, roughly applied. In a few eases rude ornament^il effects have been produced by using the finger nail as a roulette, giving much the effect of fine net impressions. The nail was rolled back and forth as the finger was moved with rather strong pressure around the neck of the \essel. A specimen of this uniciue treatment is shown in plate cxwid, and s(mie simpler finger-nail work is seen in plate cxxxua. The use of a notched indenting tool is indi- cated in plate cxxxif. Narrow fillets of clay were in cases rudely laid on and decorated with the nail in herringbone effects. The surface treatment of a number of specimens is identical with that of the net-marked \ase from Caldwell county, shown in the pre- ceding section, plate ^xxix. It appears evident that in finishing the rim of the vase a fillet of netting was wrapped about the neck to cause the desired constriction and hold the A'essel together while the margin was pressed outward and finished. The sherds shown in plate cxxxii /> and r, the former from Wilson, North Carolina, and the latter from Clarksville. Virginia, illustrate the use of the cord roulette or cord-wrapped stamj) in texturing and malleating the surface of vessels. The effect of rolling the tool back and forth is readily seen. The small fragment gix'en in d shows the use of a wooden stamp with a neat design in curved lines in South Appalachian style. The clay retains the impressions of the grain of the wood. In e the surface has been textured with a wooden stamp or paddle the face of which was grooved, the effect being very like that of stamping with cord-covered tools. Piedmont Vikoinia Wake" In northwestern North Carolina and in southwestern Virginia a somewhat marked local variety of potter\- is developed which partakes to some extent of the character of the ware of the far Northwest, and probably represents some of the tribes which occupied the Virginia highland about the period of F:nglish colonization. Indeed, traces of this variety occur on the James in its middle course, and appear on the Dan, the Yadkin, and possibly on the upper Shenandoah. It occurs plentifully on New river, and will no doubt be found to extend down the westward-flowing streams, thus connecting with the little-known groups of northeastern Tennessee, eastern Kentucky, and western West Virginia. The pottery is always rude, and consists of simple pots, nearly always showing the soot-blackened surfaces of culinary utensils. Their strongest characteristics are the very general presence of rudely modeled looped handles, which connect the outcurved rim with the shoulder, l)ridging a short, slightly constricted neck, and the "See footnote on page H7. 150 ABORIGINAL I'OTTERY OK EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.20 freqvient occurronco of a thickened collar, sometimes slightly over- hanging, after the Iroquoian style, but marked with cords and cord indentings, characteristic of the rim decoration of the Upper Missis- sippi and Lake Michigan pottery. More extensive collecting may enaVjle us to separate these wares into two or more groups or varieties. Pipes of the simple form common in the eastern Algonquian country are found on some of the sites. A number of sherds illustrating this pottery are brought together in plate cxxxiii. The people concerned may have belonged to the Algoncjuian stock, for Algonquian features decidedlj' prevail, but there is a possibility that they were Siouan. Several sherds from a village-site burying ground 3^ miles north of Luray, Virginia, are presented in plate cxxxiv. The simple but extremely neat pots to which these fragments belong were buried with human bodies in individual graves on the bottom land near a mound, but this mound itself, though containing the remains of many hundred bodies, did not yield any pottery whatever." About Harpers Ferry and Point of Rocks we have the same ware, but at Romney, West Virginia, Iroquoian types prevail. The pottery of upland Virginia and West Virginia is distinguished from that of the tidewater provinces by the prevalence of handles, few examples of which have been found in the latter areas, and the ware of the general Piedmont zone also differs from that of the lowland in the prominence given the neckband — a feature appearing frequently west of the fall line, but rather exceptional east of it. Potomac-Chesapeake Wake general features The central ethnic group of the Potomac-Chesapeake province in historical times was the Powhatan confederacy, seated for the most part between Chesapeake bay and the James river. The art of this district was probably, in the main, developed within the general region, and was practiced in common by the confederacy and other tribes of the same stock along the Carolina coast and throughout the Virginia- Maryland tidewater province. It was probably practiced in more or less modified forms by isolated tribes of other stocks coming within the Algonquian influence. Possibly the conditions of existence along the thousands of miles of tidewater shore line, where the life of the inhabitants was largely maritime and the food was principally marine, may have had a strong influence on the potter's art, tending to make it simple and uniform. The shifting of habitation, due to varying food supply, and possibly to the necessity of avoiding the periodic malarial season, must have restricted the practice of an art which is essentially the offspring of sedentary existence; or the exclusive practice of simple oFowke, Gerard, Archeologlc investigations in James and Potomac valleys, Bulletin of the Bureau ol Ethnology, 1894, p. 49. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT HL. CXXXill ■<-^},'i'ii ■• '-Sin ''%m -7 POTSHERDS WITH TEXTILE MARKINGS, NEW RIVER VALLEY, VIRGINIA CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP ISLIGHTLY REDUCEDi HE ""DIVERSITY } ^ r". Of J )RN\V. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV POTSHERDS WITH TEXTILE MARKINGS, FROM LURAY, VIRGINIA CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV = y////////////////////////////. i A.AiA.W k k k K k OOOOOOOOOOOCJO OOOOOOOOOO OOOOOOOOo OOC u o 009000*30 o oo^o 0000000 000 OOQO Qo^oooc 1006 oooooaooo'oo ooflooo(JoooC'ooooooo6c INCISED DESIGNS FROM POTTERY. AND TATTOO MARKS CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP r- HOLMKs] POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE POTTERY 151 culinary phiiscs of the art may have resulted from the absence of cus- toms demanding vessels for mortuary purposes, ossuary burial at the end of a more or less prolonged period having prevailed to the exclusion of individual inhumation. At any rate, the elementary character and narrow range of the art are its most notable features, and it is remark- able that tribes cultivating maize and practicing several arts with exceptional skill should have been such inferior potters. Whole vessels are rarely found in the region, and the archeologist must depend for his material on kitchen middens and village sites which furnish fragmentary remains exclusively. There is little trouble, however, in securing enough evidence to reach a correct esti- mate of the nature and range of the ceramic products. Only pots and kettles and a few simple pipes were produced. The ordinary forms are deep bowls and wide-mouthed pots of medium or small size. Save in remote sections where western and southern tribes are known to have wandered, we do not encounter such features as eccentric or compound forms, animal shapes, constricted mouths, high necks, handles, legs, or flat bases of any kind. Ornament is archaic, and curved lines are almost unknown. These statements are in the main true of the whole Atlantic Algonquian belt from Albemarle sound to the Bay of Fundy. Though simple in form and archaic in decoration, much of the ware of the great tidewater province was well made and durable. The materials are the clays of the section, tempered with a wide range of ingredients, including pulverized shell, quartz, gneiss, and steatite, besides all grades of ordinary sand. The vessels were largely, if not exclusively, culina . Decoration is to a larger extent than elsewhere of textile character, though the Algonquian everywhere employed this class of embellish- ment. As a rule, the entire body of the vase is covered with imprint- ings of coarse cloths or nets or cord-wrapped tools, and tlie ornament proper, confined to the upper portions of the surface, consists in the main of simple geometric arrangements of impressions of hard-twisted cords. Details will be given as the wares of representative localities are described. Besides the textile designs, there are similar figures in incised lines, indentations, and punctures, or of all combined. In plate cxxxv a are assembled a number of the figures employed, and with them are placed some tattoo designs (5) copied from the work of Hariot," whose illustrations represent the natives among whom the Roanoke colony was planted. Kims are slightly modified for esthetic effect. Occasionally they are scalloped, and inconspicuous collars were sometimes added. Various indentings of the margin were made with the finger nails, hard cords, or modeling tools. o Hariot, Thomns, A briefe and true report of the new toinid land of Virginia, Franlctort, 1590. 152 ABORIGINAL POTTEKY OF KASTEKN UNITED STATES [ktm. an.n.-20 There is marked uniformity in the ware of thousands of sites scat- tered over the entire tidewater country, an area nearly 20,000 square miles in extent. The only distinction worth noting is that existing between the commoner variety of village-site ware and a coarser form found nearly everywhere associated with the ordinary variety, but pre- vailing over it in the great oyster-shell deposits. This latter ware cor- responds to the n(^t-marked pottery found so plentifully on the Yadkin in North Carolina, illusti-ated in preceding plates. In the Chesapeake country this potterj- is not exclusively net-marked, other textile mate- rials having been used. Whether or not this ware belonged to a dis- tinct people dwelling at times in the region or whether it is a variety due to differences in function merely can not yet be fully determined, although analogies with the prevailing stj'Ie are so marked that the theorj' of separate peoples finds little support. MODERN PAMUNKEY WARE Before we pass on to the ware of particular localities it may be mentioned that while the art practiced by the tribes of this province when first visited bj^ the English colonists was soon practically aban- doned, at least one community, a remnant of the Pamunkey Indians, residing on their reservation on the Pamunkey river adjoining King William county, Virginia, was practicing a degenerate form of it as late as 1878. At about that time Dr Dalyrimple, of Baltimore, visited these people and made collections of their ware, numerous specimens of which are now preserved in- the National Museum. A few of the vases then gathered are shown in plate cxxxvi. Professor O. T. Mason, referring to the work of Dr Dalyrimple, remarks that these people are "a misei"able half-breed remnant of the once powerful Virginia tribes. The most interesting featuic of their present condition is the preservation of their ancient modes of making pottery. It will be news to some that the shells are calcined before mixing with the claj', and that at least one-third of the compound is triturated shell."" The modeling of these vessels is rude, though the surfaces are neatly polished. Thej' are very slightly baked, and the light-gray surface is mottled with clouds of black. The paste lacks coherency, and several of the specimens have crumbled and fallen to pieces on the shelves, probably as a result of the slaking of the shell particles. Ornament is confined to slight crimping and notching of the rim margins. None of the pieces bear evidence of use, and it seems probable that in recent years the art has been practiced solely or largel}- to supply the demands of curiosity hunters. The very marked defects of manufacture and the crudeness of shape suggest the idea that possiblj^ the potters were ••Mason. OtisT., Anthr<)pf>loKloftl news, in American Naturalist, Boston, 1877, vol. xi, p. 627. < r o DC > CO Z a. < 3 ?; P Q Z > UJ z :d < a. LU I O >- a: u I- I- O a. o o m 5 I HOLMES] POPKS CRKEK I'OTTEKY 153 really iiuiUMiuainted with aboriginal methods. It will be seen by refer- ence to the illustratioii-s presented in this and the preceding section that this pottery corresponds somewhat closely in general appearance with that of the Cherokees and Catsiwbas. In 1891 these Indians were visited by Mr ,lohn (r. Pollard, from whom the following paragraphs are quoted: Mr Terrill Bradby, one of the best informed inembers of the tribe, furnished, in substance, the following account of tlie ))roces8e8 followeying the ten-aces on the south side of the Anacostia river or Eastern branch, near its junction with the Potomac. Archeologists now find that the occupation was very general in the vicinity, and that relics of stone and clay utensils occur on nearly every available spot along the shores of both rivers, within as well as above and below the city limits. The ceramic, remains of these sites, as turned up ))y the plow and exposed by erosion and city improvements, are wholly fragmeutal, but restorations are readilv made, and a few illustrations will serve to Fio. 01 — Rude earthenware figurine, Potomac valley (Phillips collection f. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL ""'■ytn'J''','- ■...luOWilfrJil) ''^^?3fc{^i^ :\ POTTERY OF CHESAPEAKE REGION 157 convey u correct idea of the art as practiced by the prehistoric Wash- ingtonians. Outlines of several vases are presented in plate cxli, and photographic reproductions of fragments are given in c, d, c, plate CXL. The fragment c is a part of the vessel outlined in a. plate cxli. It was found on a village site which was partly destroyed in building the south abutment of the Pennsylvania avenue bridge across the Ana- costia river in 1890. The shape was pleasing and symmetric, and the surface was well smoothed, though not highly polished. The simple ornament about the scalloped rim consists of cord imprintings arranged in a series of connecting ti-iangular spaces. The mouth wa.s about 9 inches in diameter. It may be mentioned as a curious fact that as we approach the head of tide water on the Potomac and enter the district furnishing stmpstone we observe the influence of this material on both the paste and the form of the earthenware. The sites alxjut West Washington contain many sherds tempered with pulverized .steatite, and the vessels to which they belonged were, in cases, supplied with rude nodes set a little beneath the rim, closely resembling the handles characterizing the steatite pots of the same .section. From this circumstance it is clear that the making of pottery and the working of the soapstone quarries were contemporaneous events, a fact shown also by the intermingling of articles of both classes in the debris of many village sites. In figure tjl a rudely modeled doll-like figure from the Phillips col- lection is .shown. It is from one of the Potomac river sites, and is the onlj' example of its kind so far found in the whole province. WARK or tuf: chksapeakk and eastern khouk. A description of the sherds of an average Potomac river sit<' could be repeated without essential change for those of an average site on the shores of Chesapeake bay. At Riverton, on the Nanticoke, for example, the general features of form, size, color, fragility, finish, and decoration are repeated. Minor differences are observed in many cases. Incised decoration takes the place, in a measure, of the cord- imprinted figures of Potomac creek. Shell tempering prevails, and the wrapped-cord paddling and rouletting takes the place largely of cord texturing. Net impressions are comparatively rare. The plain and indented rim, the conic base, and the combed interior surface observed in the Potomac wares are repeated here. In advancing to the north we come to realize that gradually a cliange is taking place in the character of the ware, and that the change is toward the characteristics of the work of the Iroquoian province. The scalloped rim and the peculiar arrangements of incised lines take on northern characters. We have thus, as in other cases, indications of 158 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.20 the close association in .some way or other, peaceable or warlilce. of the occupants of neighboring northern and southern provinces. Collections from the upper Maryland and Delaware districts are extremely meager, and it is impossi})lc now to trace in detail tlie tran- sitions that take place between the drainage of the Potomac and that of the Susquehanna and between the latter stream and the Delaware. Tobacco Pipes Although it was Virginia, possibly, that gave to England the form of tobacco pipe largely adopted there and most used by the whites gen- erally throughout the three centuries that have elapsed since the found- ing of Raleigh's colonies, the clay pipes of the Virginia province are of the simplest possible type. They are slightlj- bent tu))es from -t to 6 inches in length, having gentlj' expanding bowls less than 2 inches long, and stems that taper slightly to a neat mouthpiece. They are not unlike some forms of cigarette or cigar holders of the present period. The stem, in cases, is flattened so as to be held easily between the teeth or lips, as is indicated in the sections in plate cxLiia and c. The finish is of all grades between rude smoothing with the fingers and an excellent polish. The paste is usually verj' fine grained, the baking is often excellent, and the colors are the ordinary warm grays of the baked claj'. Ornament is seen only in rare eases; some specimens have a slightly relieved band about the bowl, and in a verj' few instances indented designs are observed. The bowl of the specimen shown in d has been decoi'ated with an extremely neat design of the usual style of the region, applied apparently with a delicately notched roulette. The inside of the bowl and stem is usualh^ blackened by use. It is a fact worthy of note that manj' of the sites yield fragments of pipes of much the same size and general style, which are made of pure white clay and bear indications of having been pressed in molds after the fashion of our ordinary clay pipes. This would seem to indicate that the whites took to making pipes for trade while yet the shores of the Potomac and Chesapeake were occupied by the native villagers. I will not enlarge on this subject here further than to present an illustra- tion of a pipe and tobacco pouch, f, copied from a plate in Harlot's Virginia. The pipe is identical in shape with the clay pipes of the region as here illustrated, and we have the good fortune thus to be able to connect the historic tribes of the Roanoke province witli the sites supplying nearly all of our archeologic material. Pipes of this class are confined pretty closely within the South Algonquian province. The change from the wide rimmed,' sharply bent clay pipe of the South Appalachian province is quite abrupt; but on the north the change is somewhat gradual into the more elaborate and elegant pipes of the Iroquois. bUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLlI / I ACTUAL SIZE) TOBACCO PIPES OF THE POTOMAC VALLEY CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP «oi-«fs] POTTERY OF IKOQUOIAN TKIBES 159 POTTEKY OF THE IROQUOIAN PROVINCE The Iroquoian Tribes The group of tribes now classed, oti the basis of language, as Ii-o- quoian. eonstituted one of the most iniportiint grand divisions of the aborigines of North America. The central culminating event in their history was the formation of the league, which included at first five nations and finally six. The seat of this great grouj) of conmuinities was in New York, liut their strong arm was felt at times from Nova Scotia on the east to the Mississippi on the west, and from the drain- age of Hudson bay on the north almost to the Gulf on the south, '{'here were scn-eral outstanding tribes of this stock not absorbed by the league -the Conestogas on the lower Susquehanna, the Cherokees in the Carolinas and Georgia, the Wyandots along tht! St Lawrence and the Great lakes, and others of less prominence^ in other sections. All save the Cherokees were surroundinl l)y ti-ibes of .\lgonquian stock. The cultural remains of this strongly indi\idualize(l people constitute a well marked group of art i)i-oducts. fully identified and correlated with the makers. These remains are central in New Y'ork. in which state the types are found, but they extend out into the neighboring states, where they gradually lose their typical charact<>i-. The tracing of the peculiarly Iroquoian art and art influence from centtsr to cir- cumference of the great province occupied, is a matter of very consid- erable importance to the historian of the aborigines, hut little has been done as yet in a systematic way toward carrying out the work. Morgan, Schoolcraft. Hale, Boyle, Beauchamp, Harrison Wright, Perkins. Squier. Thomas. Cushing, and many others have contributed not a little, though most of the work has been fragmentary. General Characters of the Ware Pottery constitutes the most important feature of the Iroquoian remains. In general, it falls in with the simple ware of the northeast- ern states, but at the same time it presents numerous striking and distinctive characteristics of shape and decoration. Within the group there are many local \ariations in form, ornament, and conqjosition, indicating the existence of somewhat marked tribal peculiarities, and it may })c jwssible in time to segregate the work of some of tht; stronger tribes, such as the Onondagas and the Mohawks, who dwelt for a long time in limited areas. The Ch«>rokees and Tuscaroras had for genei^- ations or perhaps centuries been completely isolated from their kin, and their work was thus highly distinctive. The Iroquois did not dwell largely on the .\tlantic seal)oai-d, but occupied the shores of the lakes, especially Lake Ontario. Their favorite resorts, however, were along the rivers and on the banks of the hundreds of charming upland lakes in New York state. The 1(10 ABORIGINAL Pt)TT?:RY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.a.nn.20 question of the iiifiueiu-e of the sea and of the lak(> envirouments upon their art, as distinguished from tliut of the great interior upland, has been raised l)y Mr Franlv H. Gushing, who gives his observations and deductions with respect to this obscure but interesting matter in a paper published in Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthro- pology at Chicago." At present I do not feel qualified to discuss the question, lacking the necessary knowledge of the peoples and environ- ments concerned. It is possible that the Algonquian Indians may be responsible for most of the shore Avork, and the Iroquois responsible for the art of the inland and upland districts, which would account for most of the differences. We are not able to determine the precise effect of environment on an art until we have made full allowance for peculiarities of peoples and differ- ence in period. When the French entered the great St Lawrence basin the Iro- quoian tribes were actively engaged in the practice of the plastic art, but its total abandonment was quickly brought about by the introduction of utensils of European maimfacture. That these peoples had dwelt for a long period in this general province, and that their arts, as developed at the time of Columbus, were largelj' of local evolution, seems highlj' probable, and the stamp of local environment is especially marked in the potter's art. The accom- panying map, plate iv, indicates in a general way the distribution of the Iroquoian pottery. In the various groups of plastic products previously examined, the vessel in its numerous forms is the leading feature, and in some cases it is almost the exclusive feature of the fictile remains. In the Iroquois region it is different. The art of tobacco pipe making shared the honors with vase making, and led to an elaboration of plastic forms and to a refinement of manipulation seldom surpassed within the area considered in this paper. Life forms, rarely imitated by the sur- rounding Algonquian tribes, were freely employed by the Iroquois. The strongest characteristics of the earthen vessels, and those which may best be relied on to distinguish them from all other like wares, is the pronounced projecting or overhanging collar — a frieze-like development of the rim— the outer surface of which was almost always ornamented with incised patterns. A squarish mouth, with elevated Fig. 62— Bark vessel showing cliaracters some- times copied in clay by Tn>qiioian potters. a Chicago, 1894, p. 216. HOLMES] MANUFACTURE OF IROQUOIAN POTTERY 161 p()iiits at the coniei's and sagging margins between, i.s also a marked feature, and the sharp constriction about the neck and the gracefully swelling body, conic below, are hardly less pronounced and valuable group characters. It is possible that some of these features owe their origin to the bark vessels of the same region. This idea is presented by Cushing in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnologv," from which figure 62 is reproduced. In the application of the human face or form in relief, we have another group index of the highest value. The angles of the frieze are very often emphasized by enlarg- ments. projecting ridges, and raised points, and to these the plastic life features, mostly human, are added. Besides the large percentage of vases presenting these character- istics, there are many of rather plain appearance that might not, if placed with vessels of Algonejuian type, be easily distinguished save by the expert. Many are round-bodied and wide-mouthed, with inconspicuous lips. Some are bowls and othei's mere cups, the latter often quite minute. Leading features of fomi are brought out to good advantage in the numerous illustrations accompanying this section. Materials and Manufacture The materials used were usually mixtures of clay and rather coarse tempering ingredients, in typical localities mostly silicious. The Iro- quois occasionally used pulverized shell, as did their neighbors, the Algonquians, but they seem to have preferred pulverized rock of crystalline varieties. Respecting the securing and selecting of the ingredients, and the levigating, mixing, and manipulation of the paste, but little can be said. Evidences of the nature of the building proc- esses are obscure, but there is no i-eason to suppose that other than the usual methods were employed.* The walls were probably built up of bits and strips of clay welded together with the fingers and worked down and polished with scrapers, paddles, and rubbing stones. The surface of the convex body of the vessel was sometimes finished by malleating with a textile-covered paddle or by rouletting with a cord-wrapped tool. The rim was added, and was then squared or rounded on the margin and polished down in preparation for the use of the graver and the tubular or pointed punch. The paste for large vessels was often quite coai'se, but for the smaller pieces and for most pipes pure clay of the finest qualitj^ was employed. The baking was conducted in shallow pits or on the surface of the earth, and in usual ways, no doubt, for the ordinary fire mottling is observed. No great degree of heat was applied. "P. 520. ("For a very carefully made experimental study of this subject, see F. H. Cushing's article, The germ of shoreland potters', 1" 'he Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago ]tie4. 20 ETH— 03 11 162 aboriginal pottery of p^astern united states reth.ann.20 Color, Form, and Size The colors of this ware are the colors of the baked clay; where it has not changed by use or age, grays of yellowish and reddish tones, rarely approaching a terra cotta, prevail. In the matter of size these vessels have not the wide range of the more southern varieties. There are very few large pieces, and few very small ones. A height or diameter exceeding 12 inches is unusual. Small toy-like cups are occasionally found. To the student of the many and varied ceramic groups of alioriginal America, a most notable feature of this, and of the Algonquian ware as well, is the marked simplicity of the forms. As the vessels were based on simple models and employed for a limited range of uses, there has been little tendency toward elaboi-ation or differentiation of shape. The art as practiced here must have been still verv near its origin — young as compared with the potter's art in the South. The only form prototypes that appear, and these are strongly suggested by the shapes of the vases, are the bark vessels and baskets in common use in the region. All are forms of use, yet a certain rude grace characterizes the outlines. The narrow limitations of form are indicated by the absence or rarity of bottles, bowls, plates, animal figures, compound shapes, flat bottoms, handles, feet, and pedestal-like additions. Ornament — Plastic. Incised, and Relieved The decoration of Iroquoian earthenware is simple in execution, and limited in range of subject matter, indicating a people yet near the threshold of their esthetic career. This archaic simplicity is not so pronounced, however, in the treatment of plastic details as it is in the linear designs. The forms of vessels are considerably varied within a limited range, and conve}^ the notion, in many cases, that the makers had conceptions akin to our own with respect to proportion and grace; yet we are unable to say how much these qualities are due to suggestions acting within the art, and how much is the result of conscious appreciation of the esthetic in contour. Forms of tobacco pipes are often interest- ing and graceful. Nearly all. are modifications of the trumpet shape, and the representations of living creatures so freely employed are generally added without serious detriment to the fundamental shape. The plastic additions to vases are also executed in a way to indicate the existence of restricting forces, traditional, esthetic, or otherwise, tend- ing to hold the potter to simple, consistent models. This is in strong contrast with the employment of life features by the potters of the mid- dle and southern provinces, where variety is endless and consistenc3- is often disregarded. The rim-collar or frieze is often divided into two, three, or four parts bj' salients or ridges, and the modeled life-shapes HOLMES] ORNAMENTATION OF IROQUOIAN POTTERY 163 are confined strictly to these features, adding emphasis to the form without reducing the simplicity or overburdening the vessel. Plastic ornaments comprise ridges, nodes, projecting points, medallion-like heads mostly or exclusively of men, and more or less complete figures of men. Mr Gushing has observed modifications of the ornamental ridges at the corners of the frieze which seemed to him to make tliem represent ears of corn. The modeling was done with the fingers, aided by modeling tools; the latter were used mainly in indenting, incising, and polishing. The fact that the life-forms employed in vase mo)ears throughout the 170 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OB" EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth. a.ns.20 peculiar characteristics of Iroquoian art. There are nianj- viiriations, however, of shape and decoration, as a number of tribes, the Hurons, Eries, etc., and, later, the Wyandots, occupied the region. Ontario is especially rich in f ragmental ceramic remains, and through the praiseworthy efforts of the Canadian Institute and other learned bodies of the Dominion, and especially of Mr David Boyle, of Toronto, many specimens have been collected and preserved, and numerous illustrations and descriptions have been published. I shall be able only to glance at these products, leaving all the details to those who ha^'e the opportunity for working personally in the various regions. The earliest publication of illustrations of Iro(iuoian potteiy was made by Mr W. E. Guest, in the Smithsonian Report for 1856, p. 274. Many fragments were found in or near an ancient earthen inclosure at Spencerville, a few miles north of Prescott, Ontario, and the cuts published by Mr Guest are restorations, a little defective in outline, perhaps, as the base is more nearly flat than is usual with this ware. In every other i-espect their features duplicate those of the typical wares of the Iroquois. Mr Guest also gives illustrations of three small disks made from potsherds, one apparently being per- forated, as if for use as a spindle whorl or an ornament. The others are nearlj^ identical with similar objects found plentifully in the southern states, and supposed to have served for playing some game of chance. Village and camp sites in the Balsam lake region, Victoria coimty, have yielded to the intelligent efforts of the Laidlaw brothers, resi- dents of the locality, numerous interesting sherds, of which a large series has been illustrated and described by David Boyle in the Fourth Annual Report of the Canadian Institute. In plate cxlviii is presented a series of vases selected from his work. So typical are all of these in form and decoration that description is unnecessar}'. There is not a new element, beyond the simple variations to be expected in the art of a single people as practiced at different times or under changing conditions. The island of Montreal, the site of the ancient Hochelaga, an Iro- quoian resort of great importance, furnishes much tj'pical ware of this class. Illustrations are given by Dr J. W. Dawson, in the Canadian Naturalist, volume v, page 435, and in his Fossil Men, i)age 91. In the latter work is shown also a well-preserved pot obtained from the upper Ottawa. It is not so typical as some others, but has the upright projecting collar somewhat developed, and is finished with vertical and horizontal incised lines. The line of indentations about the uiiper part of the body is rather exceptional in the central and southern Iroquoian regions, but is i-epeated in a similar piece from Bruce county, Ontario, and in many of the New England specimens. It is possible, since the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII a (DIAMETER M INCHES) ^,, V,- C (HEIGHT 7 INCHES) / (HEIQHT ABOUT 9 INCHES) « VASES FROM THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO CANADA IROQUOIAN GROUP (FROM BOYLE) HOLMES] DECORATIVE DESIONS, IROQUOIAN POTTERY 171 Algonquian tribes encroached at times on the northern margin of Ontario, that these vessels may have been modified in certain details b\- the art of that people. Mr Boyle, in the Annual Report of the Canadian Institute for 1889, records the discovery of much fragmentary ware along and near the north shore of Lake Erie. It is stated that numerous imusual features of minor importance occur, but, from the descriptions and illustrations given, there is no reason for supposing it other than Iroquoian work. A number of exceptionally large pieces were observed, a diameter and height of 17 inches being noted. In the same publication Mr Boyle presents a vessel of unusual shape, restored from numerous fragments found by Mr John McPherson on Mindemoya island, northern Lake Huron. This piece is shown in plate cxLViii/". Attention maj^ be called to the fact that it differs essentially from Iroquoian types, and resembles somewhat the Algonquian pottery of the Lake Michigan and Upper Mississippi regions. Since Algon- quian tribes occupied this region more fully, perhaps, than the Iro- quoian, the probabilities are that this vessel is of Algonquian make. It is a remarkable fact that in the National Museum there are a number of fragments of typical Iroquoian ware entered as having been found in southern Alabama. Fearing that there may have been a mistake on the part of the curator or his assistants in placing this accession on the books, I will not venture to do more than mention the circumstance. Such an occurrence, if sustained, would be of much interest to students of stock distribution. Decorative Designs In plates cxlix, cl, cli, and clii, a series of figures is presented to illustrate the nature and range of the incised and modeled decorations of this potteiy. The example shown in plate cxlix a is from a Rom- ney. West Virginia, vase; 5, c, d, and e are from fragmentary vessels procured from a village site on the Susquehanna, near Bainbridge, Pennsylvania, while y and g are from Mohawk vallej' sherds. The designs shown in plates cl and cli are mostly from vases in the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society collections, and belong in the Wilkesbarre region. The secoud figure, 6, of plate cl, represents part of a zone of ornament encircling a Cherokee split-cane basket, and is intended for comparison with the incised design illustrated in a. There can be little doubt that the latter motive was derived almost direct!}' from some similar textile ornament, the art of basketry having been universally practiced by the ancient tribes of the East. The remaining figures of plates cl, cli, and clii serve to indicate the general uniformity and simplicity of the linear designs of the whole province. The employment of double zones of figures is illus- trated in the lower figures of plates cli and clii. The design in the 172 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 latter plate is from the Vermont vase shown in figure 64. The curved lines seen in these figures are not so by design of the decorator, but merely take the curves of the vessel margins with which they were associated. The manner of introducing life forms is also clearl}- shown in four instances. The entire human figure, modeled in nither bold relie|, is seen in plate ciAie. The face, with horizontal mark- ings indicating the place of the body, appears in 7>, and a highly conventionalized treatment of the face is given in a. These con- ventionalized forms are pi'csent in great variety. One of the most realistic examples of figure pre- sentation is sho\Vn in figure 65. Other figures and a number of rudeh' modeled faces are brought together in plate CLiii. These ornaments are in all cases at- tached to the angles of the frieze of square-rimmed vessels, or are placed beneath the elevated points of the round, scallop- rimmed variety'. It is probable that these features are recent additions to the decoration, which consisted, originally, of archaic arrangements of lines and dots. Tobacco Pipes Fig. 66— Fragment of vase-rim with rudely modeled human figure, New Y<^rk, THE PIPE A NATIVE PRODUCT The American natives were a race of smokers, and the use of tobacco in political and religious ceremonials elevated the pipe to a place of unusual importance among the various products of the shaping arts. Much time, labor, and ingenuity were expended on the manufacture of pipes of stone, and nearly every section of North America has fur- nished to collectors excellent examples of this class of work. Pipes were also made of wood, bone, horn, and other substances. It is highly probable that the antitype of the pipe was a vegetal form, such as a section of cane or other hollow stem, but, since smoking was practiced in widely separated localities, the earlier fomis must have been divers. Clay was very generally employed in this art, and in some sections was in great favor. It is a notable circumstance that the Iroquois took a high rank as pipe makers, excelling all other peoples in the number and quality of these productions. With this BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX /////////////////// //////// / / ///// i ^^^!^^lM!^;iHHi^ mm^^^ i INCISED DESIGNS FROM VASES IROQUOIAN OROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL v^mm. Iml ll'M I I 11^ I^P^I m 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 iini OOUCj OOOCOOt; O0O0O60 Li ii INCISED DESIGNS FROM VASES IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII DOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO A INCISED DESIGNS FROM VASES IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII FACES AND FIGURES FROM VASES IROQUOIAN GROUP (ACTUAL SIZE) HOLMES] IROQUOIAN TOBACCO PIPES 173 people the manufacture of clay pipes was, no doubt, practiced pari passu with that of vase making, but it seems in many ways to have been a distinct and independent art. Pipes were not made of the same varieties of clay, or by the same hands, as were the vases. In all probability clay pipes were the work of men, as were the pipes of stone, while vessel making was the work of women. That pipe mak- ing was contempoi-aneous with vase making is shown by the repetition in pipe bowls of the form and deco'-ation of vases, but it is apparent that the former art continued long after the cessation of the potter's art proper, extending down nearly or quite to Revolutionary times in the North, and down to the present day in the South among the Cherokees. In support of the theory of the later use of pipes of native make may be cited the fact that pipes are especially plentiful on the more recent town sites of the New York Indians. Metal pots were supplied plentifully by the earliest traders and colonists, but as smoking and pipe making were indigenous to America, it was prob- ably many years before the intruders engaged actively in pipe manu- facture. It is well known, however, that tobacco pipes of European make formed an important article of trade in colonial times, and we can not assume in all cases to distinguish the foreign from the native work. DISTRIBUTION Earthen vessels were made and used by women, and were little sub- ject to transportation beyond the permanent settlements, but pipes belonged to the men, and were carried habitually about the person, thus reaching the farthest limits of the expeditions and forays of the people. They were also readily made on short notice at any point where clay could be secured. Since they were used in councils with neighboring peoples they were thus subject to still wider distribution by friendly or ceremonial exchange. It is observed, however, that the pipes of outlying communities are not wholly typical. The pipes of Romney, West Virginia, and Bainbridge, on the Lower Susque- hanna, resemble somewhat the South Algonquian pipes, and those of the Lake Huron region vary equally from the types. This is the result, no doubt, of contact with neighboring peoples and the influence of their art forms. MATERIAL, COLOR, AND FORM In the manufacture of pipes by the Iroquois, fine clay, pui'e or mixed with very finely comminuted tempering ingredients, was used. Pulverized shell was used at times on the outskirts of the province. So far as has been observed, the pipes have not been colored arti- ficially. The varied hues of light and dark yellowish, reddish, and 174 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ans.20 brownish grays, the latter sometimes approaching black, are the result of baking, use, accident, or conditions of burial. The simplest pipe form is a straight tube, with large enough open- ing at one end to receive the necessary bits of tobacco, and a passage small enough to permit the drawing of smoke without admitting parti- cles of the ashes or leaf. The original forms must have varied with the diverse models at hand, and, if we take the whole country into account, there is considerable diversity in form, size, and material. Pipes of stone are much more varied in shape than ai'e pipes of claj\ The clay pipe of the East and North is based on the plain tube, the prevailing modification being the development of the bowl and the addition of a trumpet-like mouth. The tube is not straight, but is bent at the base of the bowl at angles varying from a few degrees to a right angle or even more. The bowl was subject to varied and often extraordinary modifica- tion of form. The stem, as a nile, remained a plain tube straight or slightly incurved, often of uniform thickness save at the tip, or swelling gradually toward the elbow or curve. Very often the bowl did not begin to expand decidedly at the bend but beyond it, some- times at the very rim, while in cases the expansion was gradual, the mouth being encircled by an inconspicuous band. In cases the lip was somewhat constricted. Description must fail to convey a clear and full notion of the varied modifications of this trumpet-shaped pipe, and four plates are introduced to serve this purpose. The bowl was the subject of nmch fanciful modifica,tioti by the application of life forms, quadrupeds, birds, and men being freelj- employed. Occa- sionally the full figure of a man was represented, the feet forming the mouthpiece and the bowl opening in the top of the head. In cases animal forms were similarly treated, and serpents were made to coil about the full length of the tube. Generally, however, the upper part of the figure, the head alone, or certain features only were embodied in the bowl. Sometimes two creatures, or parts of two creatures, were affixed to one pipe, and a few specimens have been collected in which a number of heads or faces have been com- bined or knotted together in a grotesque cluster covering the whole exterior of the pipe. In very many cases a wolf-like head is modeled so that the mouth forms the bowl, the muzzle of the creature pointing upward. Generally when the head is placed on one side of the rim it faces the smoker, but pipes have been observed in which it looks to one side, or from the smoker. In one case a small face is modeled on the inner surface of the divided lip of the bowl. I have been able to recognize with reasonable certainty, besides faces of men, the features of the bear, wolf or dog, owl, eagle or hawk, crow or raven, and snake. Grotescjue figures, combining features of men and animals, are rare, but fancy was likely to take almost any direction with these versatile potters. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV a (ACTUAL SIZE) C (ACTUAL SIZE) / (LENGTH 4 INCHES ^ I LENGTH ABOUT 8 INCHES) EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV I EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVII EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP HOLMBS] POTTERY OF EASTERN ALOONQUIANS 175 In order that a fuller notion may be conveyed of the artistic ability of the pipe makers, and their plastic treatment of men and other crea- tures, a number of pieces are assembled in plates CLiv, clv, clvi, and CLVII. POrrERY OF THE NEW JERSP:Y-NEW ENGLAND PROVINCE General Characters The pottery of the coastal districts throughout the middle and north- ern Atlantic states is uniformly archaic in its shapes and elementary in its decoration. Entire specimens are rarely found, as the custom of burying vases with the dead was not so generally practiced hero as elsewhere, and the fragile culinarj- utensils found on the midden sites are always fragmentary. Sherds have been collected all along the coast and on the baj's and tidewater rivers from the Chesapeake to Nova Scotia. They abound on countless ancient sites, and are especially plentiful in the shell deposits which line the shores. These wares are to a large extent Algonqiiian in type, although there is more or less blending with the Iroquoian wares of the interior districts along the fall line" and bej^ond in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and some- what nearer the ocean in New York and the New England states. The materials are, as in the Chesapeake country, clays of no great purity, intermingled with much coarse silicious tempering and, rather excep- tionally, with pulverized shells and other substances. The paste is hard and is moderatelj' tenacious where well preserved, l)ut it crum- bles rapidlj' when decay once sets in. The fracture is rough and uneven, and the colors are the usual brownish and reddish grays. Manufacture was confined almost exclusively to vases and pipes; the former are simple utensils, and the latter are the small, bent trumpet tubes common to the Algonquian areas. In shape the vessels are extremely limited in range, extending to no other forms than those included between a deep cup or bowl and a wide-mouthed pot. Vessels of the latter variety were rarely more than 10 or 12 inches in diameter or in depth. The rims were usually carelessly rounded or squared off, and were seldom much thickened. Exceptional h' they were supplied with exterior bands, which in New England expanded into a rounded frieze, resembling closely that of the Iroquoian ware. The rims were also occasionallj^ scalloped, as in the Chesapeake coun- try and m New York. The neck was never greatly constricted, the body swelled but little, and the base was often, especiallj' in the New Jersey region, considerably lengthened below, and was decidedly pointed. Generally the walls were thin and the surfaces "The term "fall line" is applied to the rather abnipt line of descent that occurs whore the upland Joins tlic lower tidewater districts. It passes through New York, Trenton, Philadelphia, Washing- ton, and Richmond. 176 ABORIGINAL POTTKKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann.20 roughly finished. The polishing tool was used only to give sufficient finish to enable the decorator eflFectively to use his stylus or roulette. Details of decoration and finish may better be given when the varieties of ware are presented. The presence here and there of peculiar and apparently exotic tj'pes of decoration is quite puzzling; for example, in Maine and New Jerse\' are encountered occasional examples of roulctting exactly duplicating the style so common on the upper Mis- sissippi. The peoples probably belonged to the same stock, however, and it is not at all improbable that migrations took place between these widely separated regions. The reticulated stamp, characteristic of Florida, appears now and then in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. No attempt will be made in this place to cover the coastal districts in detail, and attention will l)e confined to a few localities chosen to represent the ceramic remains of the Northeast. The ai'ea considered in this section is included, in a general way, on the map, plate iv, accompanjnng a preceding section. The Delaware valley is sepai-ated from that of the Susquehanna and Chesapeake by only a few miles of lowland, and it is not surprising that the forms of ware found on the village sites of the districts dupli- cate one another very closelj'. There is apparently no decided bveak in the characteristics of the art from Norfolk to New York bay. Delaware Valley Ware By far the most prolific of the pottery -producing sites in the Dela- ware valley is that on Pocatquissing creek, 3 miles south of Trenton, so thoroughly explored by Mr Ernest Volk for the Columbian Expo- sition. Here was found the lai-gest, the best preserved, and the most highly elaborated pottery yet collected on the coast north of the Savannah river. Its relationship with the Algonquian wares of the Chesapeake and Yadkin is, however, very close, and is especiallj^ so in several minute details of form, elaboration, and decollation, thus enforcing the idea that the peoples were the same, or were very inti- mately related or associated. The forms and ornaments are somewhat more elaborate and graceful than those in the Chesapeake ware, and in some features it differs decidedly from that ware. Among these features of unlikeness maj' be mentioned the occasional much elonga- tion of the bodies, the decided squaring off of the rim, the use of the roulette in decoration, and the addition of a line of indentations encircling the body low down and separated entirely from the main zone of embellishment about the neck. Characteristic examples of the better ware of this localitj' are given in plate CLViii. Large fragments appear in a and h, and the general shape is indicated in c. The diameter is 12 inches, and the height was probably a little more than this. The finish is excellent. The rim is flattened above and indented. The general surface is smooth, and BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGy TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVIII e (DIAMETER 12(?) INCHES) d (HEIGHT 5 (7) INCHES) e (DIAMETER 8 INCHES) POTTERY FROM A VILLAGE SITE NEAR TRENTON, NEW JERSEY NEW ENGLAND GROUP HOLMES] DELAWARE VALLEY POTTERY 177 the patterns, executed with a sharp point, are elaborate and unuisu- ally neat. The figures which cover the upper part of the body have little s\'mnietrv or continuity, a characteristic of Alironquian work, and consist of spaces and bands filled with simple lines, reticulated lines, and herring-bone patterns bordered by plain and zigzag lines. The prevailing outline of these vessels is given in c. A smaller vessel, nearly complete, though broken, is illustrated in d, plate CLViii. It does not differ in any essential from the preceding, but is smaller and much simpler in treatment, and its profile shows a decided angle separating the upper and lower slopes of the body. The stj'lus has been used from the inside of the margin to punch out a series of nodes about the exterior of the rim, and an isolated line of indents appears far down toward the conic base. An additional example is presented in plate OLixa, the outline restored appearing in e of the preceding plate. The diameter ap- proaches 10 inches, and the height must have been a little more than that. The rim is turned sharply outward and minutely notched on the outer edge, the neck has been very slightly constricted, and, as in manj' better preserved specimens, the base was probably sharply conic. The paste is silicious, moderately fine grained, and yellowish gray in color. The surface is smooth, but without polish. The deco- ration consists of 22 lines of roulette markings, imitating coarse cord imprints, encircling the upper part of the body. A double line of like markings encircles the body quite low down. The largest vessel of which any considerable fragments were recov- ered was originally about 25 inches in diameter and nearly the same in height. The surface was finished first with a net-covered tool, the meshes of the fabric being over half an inch in width. The upper part of the body was smoothed sufficiently for the addition of incised figures, but not so fully as entirely to destroy the' deeper net impressions, and on the lower part and base the imprint is per- fectly preserved. The rim is three-fourths of an inch thick, flat- tened, and sloped inward above, and is decorated, as in many other cases, with cord or stylus imprints. The use of the net and the man- ner of rubbing down the impressions more or less carefully, accord- ing to the needs of the decorator, ai-e identical with corresponding features of the Chesapeake and Carolina net-marked wares. So closely do some of these specimens resemble those of Popes creek, Mary- land, and Yadkin river, North Carolina, that the reader may be i-eferred to plates cxxx and cxxxvii for details of shape and ornament. A village site at Point Pleasant, on the Delaware, 25 miles above Trenton, has furnished numerous specimens of earthenware. It is a notable fact that some of the fragments gathered by Mr H. C. Mer- cer from the surface or from exposures made by floods are of a stamped ware, resembling verj- closely the checker-stamp varieties ao 20 ETH— 03 12 178 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ans.20 characteristic of Florida, Georgia, and parts of tlie C'arolinas. It would seem that, if no mistake has been made in the identity of the sherds, colonists or visitors from the far south must have dwelt on the site long enough to engage Iti the practice of the potter's art. Aside from these specimens, all the varieties of ware observed cor- respond very closely with those of the Trenton sites and with the tj'pical tidewater Algonquian forms of the lower l)(^laware and Chesa- peake regions. Higher up the Delaware we encounter vessels approaching the Iroquoian type, and finally, in the upper valleys, the ordinary Iroquoian wares prevail. It is stated by Mr Ernest Volk, and confirmed by Mr Mercer, that there were two successive occupations of some of the Delaware valley sites, and it is surmised from various reasons, one of which is the scarcity of pottery at the lower level, that a considerable period elapsed between the first and second occu- pations; but as these villages were situated on land subject to inun- dation, the change from the lower to the higher level may have been brought about in a single season. The greater number of relics in the upper deposits may have been due to longer occupation or to more thorough protection from floods. If there are pronounced differences in art, methods of burial, materials used, etc., it is quite as reasonable to suppose that the peoples changed as it is to assume that a period of such duration passed between the successive occupations that decided advances in culture status were made. It is a significant fact that, though there is less earthenware in the lower than in the upper deposits, there is no perceptible difference in the make. There appears, therefore, to be no sufficient reason for supposing that the earlier occupation of the valley, as shadowed forth in these remains, extends far back toward glacial times, or that the people in either case were other than the Algonquian inhabitants found in the Delaware valley by William Penn. New J^ngland Wakk The ware of the region of New York l)ay. Long island, Connecti- cut, and Rhode Island indicates a closer affiliation of the makers with the Iroquoian potters than existed between the latter and the more southern Algonquians. A good illustration of the ware of the New York region is given in plate clixJ. A similar specimen, found at Farmington, Connecticut, is illustrated in an article on Connecti- cut archeology by James Shepherd, published in the New England Magazine, 1893. If we judge by the examples of this ware known to me, the restoration given by Mr Shepherd makes the vessel too short in the body and without the usual conic tendency of the base. The indented designs in these specimens resemble a prevailing Iroquoian treatment. The same ware is found throughout Massachusetts, and I have had BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PU CLIX POTTERY FROM THE ATLANTIC COAST STATES NEW ENGLAND GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLX ft e (HEIGHT ABOUT 5 INCHES) *^''/^'////;/iMn»i'ivn>fi\ / (LENGTH 3 INCHES) Miff! ' I 'ii (i^iinfi ill f (HEIGHT ABOUT 6 INCHES) d (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) POTTERY FROM NEW ENGLAND NEW ENGLAND GROUP HOLMES) POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND 179 the good fortune to find fragments of ii small vase on the island of Nantucket. The pottery of eastern Massachusetts is represented by a con- siderable number of pieces, some of which are entire, or nearly so. That the Algon(juian tribes were making and using potterj' on the arri\-al of the whites is made certain by numerous references to the sub- ject in earlj- writings. Thomas Morton, in Force's Tracts, volume ii, page 30, says that " they have earthen potts of divers sizes from a quarter to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in; very stronge, though they be thin like our iron potts." It seems, therefore, that notwithstanding the presence of apparcnth- Irpquoian features in these vessels, we are warranted in attributing them to the historic Algon- quians, since all the specimens are much alike in every essential respect. The figures given in plate clx will convey a good idea of the characteristics of this ware. Specimens a, h, and <■ were obtjiined by Professor F. W. Putnam from graves in Winthrop. Massachusetts. With them were associated glass beads, so that the date of their manu- facture is probably somewhere between 1&20 and 1050. The height of the larger vessel is about seven inches, and the others are shown on the same scale. Specimen d is from Hingham, Massachusetts, and the others given in outline are sketch restorations of small vessels recovered from a grave at Revere (<=), and from a grave at Marble- head (_/}. In nearly all cases the surface has been worked down witli textile-surfaced tools, and subsequently jwrtions about the rim and neck have been rubbed down and rudely decorated with incised lines and indentations. The pipe ;/ was found in Connecticut, and is deco- rated in a stj'le corresponding closely to that of the Algoncjuian \ases. The village sites and shell lianks of Maine yield considerable pottery of the simple st\'les common in the Algonquian areas. It is found in fragments, and but few si^ecimens even of these have found their way to the museums. The vessels were mere pots, and the pijies. idthough sometimes ornamented with incised lines and indentations, ai'e maiidv the simple bent trumpet of the more southern areas. The clay is tem- pered usually with a large percentage of coarse sand, the finish is comparative!}' lude, and the ornament, though varied, is always ele- mentary. The surfaces have, in many cases, been textured with cord- covered paddles, and over these, or on spaces smoothed down for the purpose, are various crude patterns made with cords, l)its of fabric, roulettes, and pointed tools of manj- \arieties. The use of the roulette would seem to link the art of this Abnaki region very closely with that of the Middle Atlantic states and portions of the upper Mississippi region. The simple notched roulette was used in the manner shown in plate clix c. and the compound roulette was quite conunon. Prolific sites are found on the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers, and all along the shellfish-prwlueing shore as far as Nova Scotia. 180 ABORiaiNAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 POTTERY OF THE APPALACHEE-OHIO PROVINCE The pottery of a large area \ying between the Appalachian ranges and the Ohio river is difficult of characterization. The ceramic con- ditions in certain parts are apparently such as might result from an intermingling of the work of peoples from the North, West, South, and East, while in other sections the ware of a single style prevails. Collections have not been made with sufficient care to enable us to say what is the nature of the association of the different exotic forms and features with products of more strictly local development. In many localities in East Tennessee we find together specimens of the stamped ware of the South Appalachian district, the polished bowls, pots, and l)ottles of the Mississippi region, vessels that resemble quite closely the ware of the valle}' of the Ohio on the north, and others almost identical with those of the Gulf province on the south. The stamped ware of the East Termessee dis- trict does not always repeat the forms and patterns of the South Appalachian region with accuracy, but ex- hibits, in cases, decided individuality. In like manner potterj' of western appearance is not typical of the West, but has a local flavor. The high-necked bottles, the humpback fig- ures, the grotesque animal forms, and the red and white painted dec- oration are apparently wanting. From mounds, graves, and dwelling sites over a large part of the province we have examples of a variety of ware, mostly shell-tempered, and consisting largely of culinary vessels, the strongest characteristic of which is the looped handles connecting the rim with the neck or shoulder. These handles are of many styles and vary in number from two to eight to a vessel. They are sometimes elaborated into ani- mal figures, as is seen in figure QG, but generally they are less care- fully worked out than in the West. Besides the two animal-shaped loops, placed on opposite sides of the rim of this vase, there are alter- nating comb-like ornaments, which probably represent some animal feature, set on the shoulder of the vessel. It is possible they stand for the hand or for a wing, and maj' thus be a conventionalized form of animal symbol common in the Central Southern states. This piece Fig. 06 — Vessel with animal-shaped handles, from a moTind on FainH island, Jefferson county, Tennessee. holmes] POTTERY OF EASTERN TENNESSEE 181 illusti-ates a prevailing form of culinary vessel, and exhibits the pecu- liar linisli of the body pi'oduced by nialleating with textile-covered modeling tools. A unique form of handle is shown in figure 67. This piece is not unusual in any other respect. A small vessel of very unu- sual shape for eastern America is shown in figure 68. It ex- hibits the usual crude manipu- lation of the region, and is tem- pered with coarse shell. It is in every respect characteristic of the district, save in the pro- longation of one side of the bodj- into a rounded point, giving what may be likened to a shoe shape, but which also, as seen in profile, suggests the fomi of a bird. The two handles are placed as usual; one is normal, but the other extends out on the pro- jecting lobe and is continued in three spreading notched fillets which connect with a notched band carried around the shoulder of the vessel. Fiii. 67— Vessel with arched handle, from a mound in Sevier county, Tennessee. Fig. 68 — Shoe-shaped vessel, with incised designs, Loudon county, Tennessee. The neck and shoulder are embellished with a pattern of incised lines rranged in alternating triangular groups. A similar vessel from n adjoining county is shown in figure 69. Especial attention is Fig. 69— Shoe-shaped vessel, Monroe county. Tennessee. 182 AT50RI01NAL VOTTEKY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth. axn-.sI called to these vcs.sel.s l)y the fact that they are the only examples so far added to oui- collections from the eastern half of the United States exhibiting the peculiar shoe shape so frequently appearing in the Pueblo country, and again as a ))i'omiiient feature in the ware of Centi'al America. There can be no doubt that the shape and the plastic elaborations are significant and sym- bolic, but the exact nature of their symbolism and the explanation of their isolated occurrence are not yet forthcoming. A small cup with three rows of nodes encircling th(> body is presented in figure 7u. Ware of the genei"al type to which the aT)o\e specimens .belong is found along the eastern slopes of the Appalachian mountains in North Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia. It occurs along numerous streams entering the Ohio from the south, and probably passes gradually into the well-known ware of the Miami valley, where, at Madi- son ville, we have the most striking types of handled pots. It is un- fortunate that we must pass so briefly over a great area that ought to furnish much material for the historj' of arts and peoples, but such meager collections have been made that we seem to have warrant for th(> theory that the absence of permanent residents, remarked of this region in early historic times, may have, in a measure, characterized the eastern portions of the " dark and bloody ground" from the very beginning of native art in clay. OHIO VALLF.Y POTTERY Culture Groups Fig. 70 — Two-handled cup with rows of encircling nodes, Tennessee. The art remains of the Ohio valle}' occupy an important place among the existing vestiges of our native races, and the relics of earthenware pertaining to the region, although generally simple and inartistic, are, from their associations, invested with exceptional interest. HOLMES] I'f)TTEKY OF OHIO VALLKY 183 The province is a va.st one, havinjr ii width ot from 200 to 400 miles and a length of nearly 800 miles. It is divided into numerous phj'sio- graphic distriets. more or loss independent of one another, and furnish- ing boundless resources to peoples fortunate enough to occupy them. As a consequence, the ancient remains represent numerous important culture groups. The Allegheny river, heading far to the noith in New York and Pennsylvania, was the home of the warlike Iroquois, and the region is strewn with the remains of their peculiar arts. The Monongahela drains part of the region occupied by the eastern Algonquians, and transiently by many hiuiter-tribes of other stocks, and it contains traces of their simple yet instructive handiwork. The main southern branches, heading along the Appalachian ranges, were overrun in their upper courses bj' the South Appalachian peoples, whose art has aln^ady been described; and in their lower courses they penetrated the very heart of the great culture province of the middle Mississippi valley. The northern tributaries drain a fertile region occupied in historical times by numerous tribes, mostly of Algonquian stock, but at earlier periods by tribes of mound builders whose affini- ties of blood are not yet fuUj' made out. I have already- dealt briefly with the wares of the eastern and south- ern boi'ders of this wonderful province, and have now onlj' to review the pottery of the immediate valley of the river and its extensions to the north and west. The study of the pottery of this latter region is invested with especial interest, for the reason that it maj' be expected to assist in elucidating the much-discussed problems of the mound builders and the relations of these peoples to neighboring tribes and to the Indians of historic times. Opportunities for studj- have not been whollj' satisfactorj', as the collections made bj- numerous explorers are much scattered, and, at best, are not rich. It has been possible to distinguish only two groups of ware that differ so decidedly from the surrounding groups, and that possess such individuality, as to warrant the predication of distinct groups of people or pha.ses of culture. It is worthj- of special note that although the}' represent regions furnishing evidence, according to manj^ authorities, of exceptional progress in art and in general cul- ture, few of the examples of earthenware utensils rise above the level of the average ware of the eastern United States which is assignable to historic stocks. Indeed, it may be said that as a rule the ware belongs to the archaic northern grand division of the art rather than to the more highly developed product of the South. A number of small terra-cotta figures found bj' Professor Putnam in one of the Turner mounds near Cincinnati", and referred to briefly in his report, seem to be an exception. The figures ai"e said to be remarkably well modeled and wholly unique. a Reports of the Peabody Museum, vol, in, p. 173. 184 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 Professor Putnam's reference to these objects is as follows: On another altar, in another mound of the group, were several terra-ootta figurines of a character heretofore unknown from the mounds. Unfortunately these olijects, as well as others found on the altars, had lieen more or less burned, and many of them appear to have been j)urposely broken before they were placed on the altars, ilany pieces of these images have been united, and it is my hope that we shall succeed in nearly restoring some of them. Knough has already been made out to show their importance in the study of early American art. The pe<'uliar method of wearing the hair, the singular headdres.ses and large button-like ear ornaments shown by these human figures are of particular interest. The ear ornaments leave no doubt of the character of the spool-shaped objects referred to on a previous page." Occasional speciinoiis of Middle Mississippi Valley type are found in Ohio, but I am not able to reach any conclusion as to the relation of the people concerned in their manufacture to the tribes referred to in the preceding paragraphs. Two excellent examples of this class are shown in plate cLXi. They come from a mound in Ross county, and are now preserved in the Ohio State Museum. Miami V alley Ware The pottery to be considered under this head does not include all the ware of the Miami district, but only that possessing character- istics peculiar to certain prominent sites located mainly on the Little Miami. This ware is not confined to the Miami region, for, as I have alreadj' indicated, it extends out with decreasing numbers of specimens and in less and less typical forms, even beyond the confines of the Ohio valley, especially into Kentucky and eastern Tennessee. The richest collections of the Miami wares are preserved in the Peabody Museum, and include a large series of well-preserved vases obtained from village sites in the vicinity of Madi.sonville. The Literary and Scientific Society of Madi-sonville made important finds in this region, and published descriptions and a number of illustrations.* Some fine pieces obtained by Mr McBride, in Butler county, are preserved in the Museum of the Academy of Sciences in Philadelphia. Squire and Davis, in Ancient Monuments, figure 72, illustrate two vases of this class from near the surface of the ground in Butler county. From a village site at Fort Ancient, Warren county, Ohio, Mr W. K. Moorehead obtained numerous fragments of this pottery, illustrated in plate clxii.'' The prevailing type of vessel is a round-bodied pot with wide mouth and flaring rim. Deep bowls are occasionally seen. The pots are strongly characterized by their handles, which connect the lip with the shoulder. As a rule these handles are thin bands, and lie close to oPutnam, F. W., Sixteenth and Seventeenth Annual Reportot the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of American Archscology and Ethnology, voi. ni, numbers 3 and 4, p. 173. ii Low, Charles F., Aroha'ologicnl Explorations near Miulisonville, Ohio, ArchseolOgical Explora- tions by the Literary and Scientific Society of Madisonville, Ohio, 1878-80, parts 1, 2, 3, and 4. c Moorehead, Warren K.. Fort Ancient, Cincinnati, 1,S90, plate xxvii. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXI a (DIAMETER 3i INCHES) b (DIAMETER 74 INCHES) VASES OF MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI TYPE OHIO VALLEY GROUP (OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY COLLECTION) H Z III O z I s UJ H CO < _J o IC CO z O I- < cc O o Q UJ CO o Z T I- co o 111 I CO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, CLXIll a, ^HEIGHT 6 INCHES) e IHEIGHT 3i inches; 6 (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) C (HEIGHT 6i INCHES) d (HEIGHT 10 INCHES) f (HEIGHT 7J INCHES) VASES FROM MOUNDS AT MADISONVILLE OHIO VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIV b (HEIGHT 4; INCHES) a (HEIGHT 4* INCHES) VASES ILLUSTRATING TEXTILE IMPRINTINGS OHIO VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXV \\\\\\\\\\x\\\ \ ^§555^ INCISED DECORATIONS FROM EARTHENWARE OHIO VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] POTTKRY OF MIAMI VALLKY 185 the nock of the vessel. Their luiinber is usually four, but two are sometimes seen, and occasionally tliere are more than four. In most cases they are wider where they join the rim, which is often drawn out to meet them. The outer surface of the handles is plain and flat in most cases, but examples occur in which it is concave, and in rather I'aro instjinces it is round. In no other section do handles form so impor- tant a feature of the ware as in southwestern Ohio. As a rule, in all sections, handles of this general type belong to vessels intended for culinary use, and it would appear from the signs of use over fire that many of the Miami vases were mere culinary utensils. A number of specimens oVjtained from a mound near Madisonville, and referred to above, are shown in plate clxiii. The first specimen, a, is supplied with two looped handles, alternating with which are two animal figures vertically placed. That the latter represent a quad- ruped is about all that can be said with safety, for they may ha\'e been intended for either a lizard or a mountain lion. In another case, a rudely modeled human head or face is attached to the upper margin of the rim. Nodes and low ridges take the place of handles in some specimens. Examples of the average pot are giveii in h and c. Some peculiar modifications of the simple vessels are observed. One specimen, d, is mounted on a crudely made foot or stand; it has an awkward, top- heavy appearance. The addition of this feature was probably an experiment on the part of the potter, who was possibly attempting in a crude way to copy the work of his southern neighbors. A double vase from the same site is shown in c. There is no doubt that, as our collections are enlarged, additional forms will be added. Plate CLXiv is introduced for the purpose of showing the peculiar surface finish observed in this ware. The modeling implement was a paddle or a cylinder wrapped with twisted cords, and applied to the pla.stic surface; it was generally held so that the markings arc approxi- mately vertical. These markings are obliterated on the neck of the vessels by finishing with the polishing stone. Decoration proper is confined to the lip and neck. The lip is plain, rounded, squarish or uneven on the edge, or has a narrow collar or band on the exterior; this latter is often indented in a rude and simple manner, a herring-bone arrangement of short incisions being com- mon. The constricted zone of the neck is generally rather rudely but effectively embellished with an encircling design, based on the meander, scroll or guilloche. A series of these figures is shown in plate CLXV, and the impression given is that the makers of this ware have in some way felt the influence of more southern culture, and have, in a crude way, introduced into their symbolism and decora- tive art a number of borrowed elements. In some cases, the current scroll, composed of neatly interlocked units, is clearly drawn, but as a 186 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.axn.20 rule the liiu's form a somewhat disconnected guilloche, apparently the result of careless imitation of intertwined fillets. In some cases the figures are angular, and in a few instances they have been somewhat carefully elaborated with a modeling tool, giving a relieved effect. This pottery does not talte a high place among the various ceramic groups of the mound builders, and, if we should assume to determine the relative culture status of the various peoples concerned in potter}^ making from this art alone, we should find the Miami tribes near the bottom of the scale. Judging by the poverty of shapes, there had been but little differentiation of use. The introduction of life forms had hardly conmienced, and the esthetic features were treated in a very elementary way, as if but recently introduced. Salt Vessels One of the most notable varieties of earthenware found in any of the regions is that represented by what are usually referred to as ''salt vessels." Two localities in the Ohio valley are especially noted for this ware; one is near Shawneetown, Illinois, and the other is near Nashville, Tennessee. A rather full account of the ware has been given in the introductory pages, and I do not need to dwell on it here, save to say that it is my impression that these utensils do not repre- sent a peculiar people or culture, but that they were produced by the various tribes of the region for the special purpose of reducing the salt waters of the localities in which they are found. POTTERY OF THE NORTHWEST Family Distinctions In a paper published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology the ancient ware of the valley of the Mississippi was dis- cussed with some care, but the ground was not entirely covered. It was shown, however, that the pottery of the upper valley belongs to a family distinct from that of the lower, and that the limitations of its occurrence appear to mark, with some degree of approximation, the distribution of peculiar groups of people and of particular phases of culture. The general distinctions between the earthenware of the North and that of the South have been pointed out in the introductory pages and in the section treating of the eastern Algonquian areas, and it may be added here that the very poorly defined zone of transition crosses southern Ohio and extends across the middle portions of Indi- ana, Illinois, and Iowa. The southern ware extends considerably to the north of this zone in numerous cases, and the northern forms are found in decreasing numbers as we pass across it to the south. In some sections the typical wares of both provinces are found together HOLMES] POTTKRY OF THE NORTHWEST 187 on one site. Tlio correlations of cither variety of ceramic products with groups of other classes of remains found in the same districts are not >^et well made out. In the West the contrasts Ix'tween the ware of the North and that of South appear to be (juite as pronounced as they are in the East. That of the South is highly differentiated and specialized; that of the North is pronouncedly archaic. That of the South exhibits variously' tinted pastes, tempered principallj- with pulverized shells. The vases, as a rule, have full bodies, rounded bases, and, in very manj' cases, nar- row and high necks. Animal forms are imitated with remarkable frequency and with much skill. The northern ix)ttery shows a gen- erally dark paste, tempered largely with coarse angular sand derived from pulverized rocks. The shapes are tho.se of simple pots. The mouths are wide, the rims plain, and the necks hut slightly con- stricted. Animal forms are rarely seen. The ornament of the South emplojs flowing as well as angular lines, varied colors, and a wide i-ange of motives; that of the North is almost exclusively archaic, consi-sting of incised and indented geometric patterns. A comparison between the specimens brought together in the accompanying plates and those in the numerous plates of the Middle Mississippi section will prove instructive. The potter}^ of the northern province is abundant, but is recovered for the most part in a fragmentary state. However, a sufficient num- ber of well-preser\ed pieces have been collected to indicate pretty clearl}' the range of form and decoration. This northwestern province includes the upper Mississippi valley, the Missouri vallej-, the region of the western Great lakes, and the valley of Red river of the North. The varieties of pottery are not confined to particular regions as decidedlj- as thej^ are in the East. They maj- lie classified for purposes of description under two heads, the roulettcd and stamped ware and the cord-dec^orated ware, the latter including the work of the Mandans, the onh- tribe of the whole region known to have practiced the art in recent years. This potter\' occurs o\'er large areas occupied in historic times mainly bj^ the Algoncjuian and Siouan stocks. Much of it affiliates closely with the ware of the more eastern branches of the Algonquian, and, in some cases, in nearly all features of detail. One variety, however, shows decided affinities with the work of the South Appa- lachian potters. The Siouan jjeoples were probably- potters in a limited way, especially where th^y were measurably sedentary in habits, and the .same may be surmised of the Caddoan and other stocks. Mr A. J. Comfort, writing on this subject (Smithsonian Report for 1871, page 401), says that the Dakotas certainlj' practiced the art during the child- hood of men still living. Dr J. Owen Dorsej', the well-known .student of the Siouan tribes, informs me that Half-a-day, historian of the 188 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OK EASTERN UNITED STATES fETH.ANN.20 Omahas, distinctly affii-ms tiiat tho art was practiced by his people as late as 1840, and tho old lodge rings found on their village sites are well supplied with the usual cord-decorated and textured ware chai"acteristic of the Missouri valley. ROULETTED AND SxAMPED WaRE A largo part of the ware of the Northwest may be brought together in a single group, which may be called, from its most pronounced technic peculiarity, the roulcttcd group, but it is impossible to define with any degree of precision its geographic limits. The localities rep- resented in the collections examined by me are indicated in a somewhat general way on the map accompanying a previous section (plate iv). The tribes by whom it was manufactured have evidently, at one time or another, occupied a. large part of the Mississippi basin north of the mouth of tho Missouri river. Parts of the states of Iowa, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio are covered bj^ this or by closely related ceramic groups, and traces of some of its peculiar characters are discovered far beyond these limits — as, for example, in New Jersey and Maine. There is some lack of uniformity within the group, and in time several subgroups may be distinguished, but the persistence of certain peculiar features in the widelj^ separated localities goes far toward demonstrating a general unity. The clay used exhibits no unusual features, but the tempering is always silicious and often coarse. The vessels have a narrow range of form and are such as were commonly devoted to culinary- uses. There is, however, considerable diversity of detail, as will be seen by reference to the illustrations. The decoration of this ware presents some striking features, the use of the roulette and the patterned punch stamp being especially char- acteristic. Cord-covered modeling tools were used in finishing the undecorated portions of the vessels, and pointed tools of various kinds were used in incising, trailing, and indenting patterns, as they were in other sections. In one locality a peculiar variety of patterned stamp was employed. Although the stamps were not quite the same as those used in the South Appalachian region, and were applied in a dif- ferent way, taking the form of punches rather than of paddles, their use suggests a relationship between the art of the two sections, and this is enforced In' tho facts that features of ornamentation, shape, and material show unusualh' close analogies. Specimens of this class were obtained from mounds near Naples, Illinois, by Mr John G. Henderson and Mr M. Tandy." In plates CLXVI and clxvii are reproduced a luuuber of sherds illustrating the manner of applying the stamps, which must have been "Henderson. John G., Aboriginal Remains near Naples, Ulinois, in Smitiisonion Report lor 1882, Washington. 1WS4, p. G86. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI .-> *•*.'•■■* . vn*- SHERDS OF STAMPED AND ROULETTED POTTERY, NAPLES, ILLINOIS NORTHWESTERN GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII SHERDS OF STAMPED AND ROULETTED POTTERY, NAPLES, ILLINOIS NORTHWESTERN GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) 1 * B r7^>, O- THE '^ - •(( OF siLORNl^. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII a. (HEIGHT 4! INCHES) 6 (HEIGHT 6! INCHES) VASES DECORATED WITH THE ROULETTE, ILLINOIS NORTHWESTERN GROUP O^ THE '^ holmes] STAMP DECORATED POTTERY, ILLINOIS 189 mere bits of wood with the ends dressed in various simple, flattish- ovul shapes, and di\'ided by transverse jjrooves; they were but a step in advance of the ordinary punches and puncturing tools used in nearly all sections in decorative work. These stamps were not used to pro- duce the mixed, all-over patterns characteristic of the South Appa- lachian specimens, but were applied in a systematic way, the separate impressions being presei-ved, arranged in neat order to embellish mar- gins and fill in spaces. A numljer of the impressions are given in figure 71. In plate CLXViii two of the cruder examples of the Naples vases which happened to be susceptible of partial restoration are given. Particular attention may be called to the larger vessel, which, although belonging to this locality and to this particular group of vessels, is remarkably like the Georgia type, duplicating specimens from the Savannah in appearance, material, outline, and some of the details of decoration. . | laa | IUB :4|11 M M m a b c d . e Fig. 71 — Stamps used in decorating vessels (restored). The pointed body has been textured with a cord-wrapped paddle or modeling tool, and the impressions have been partially obliterated in preparing the surface for the decoration. A punch was used to press out a row of beads encircling the rim; a stamp of the variety shown in figure 71a was applied to the outer margin of the rim; a roulette with irregular points was carried around the neck in a wide zone and below was crudely executed a design consisting of six sections, three of which are festoons of incised and indented lines, while the other three are carelessly traced coils produced in the same manner. The smaller piece, a, is also a South Appalachian shape. Closelj^ related in origin and effect to the stamped decorations described above is the work of the roulette, which especially char- acterizes this group of products. The implement, instead of being straight on the edge, like the stamps, took the shape of a wheel, or part of a wheel, with toothed edge. This was rolled back and forth over the surface to be decorated in the manner indicated in figure 72, 190 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [kth.ann 20 or was made to give l)roken lines, or to indent margins. A handle was probably used, as is indicated in the tigure, the work being thus much more readily accomplished. Inexperienced observers would hardly be able to distinguish the markings made by the notched wheel from those made by the simple forms of notched or reticulated stamps, and Vjy cords and fal)rics. the general effect being much the same. Iii figure 73 is presented a small vase made by myself from ordinary pottei"'s clay, and with it are the two tools, a notched rou- lette and a cord-wrapped roulette, used in finishing and embellishing its surface. The cord-wrapped stick served as a modeling tool to assist in shaping the vessel, in welding the clay together, and in rendering, the surface even; at the same time it imparted the pecul- Fju. 72— Use oi the roulette or rocking luitclied wheel. This wheel is umde of pasteboard iiml inked to show impreaaious on paper. iar fabric-like texturing, which is not at all. unpleasant to the eye. The band about the neck of the vessel yras then smoothed with the thumb, and polished with a' bit of smooth, hard wood. The rimer collar was smoothed also, and the notched wheel was run over it, reproducing the simple patterns characteristic of this group of ves- sels. A wheel with coarse notches was then rolled around the lower margin of the collar to give diversity and emphasis. The whole operation of building and decorating such a vessel need not consume more than half an hour. In many cases the potters of this and other northern groups, instead of notching the wheel, wrapped a hard twisted cord around it, applying it to the clay in the ordinarj- way. HOLMES] USE OK THK ROULETTK FN DECORATION 191 In Indiana a inunber of localities have furnished examples of this ware, some of which may be considered quite typical. From a mound near Laporte Dr Iligday procured several excellent pieces, described first by Foster," and frequently illustrated in more recent works. I have not had the opportunity of seeing these pieces, but base my interpretation of the various features on the illustrations, reproduced in figure 74 a, h, and r. It appears that a scpiare punch nither than Fig. 74 — Vases from ii mound near Laporte, Indiana (Foster). a figured stamp or notched wheel was employed in the decoration of these vases, but the shape, the laying off of the decorated spaces, and the manner of filling these in with indentations is decidedly character- istic of the wares under consideration. From Michigan again we "Foster. .1. W., Prehistorie races ody is lobed, as it is in several specimens owned by the Kent Scientific Institute, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Siniilai- in general style to the preceding is the handsome little ves- sel obtained from a mound at Albany, Whitesides county, Illinois, illustrated in plate CLXxa. The shape and ornamentation are some- what novel. Four flattish lobes occur about the body, on each of which a figure, somewhat resembling a Maltese cross, has been made by incising or impressing t)road i^hallow lines. The remainder of the body is covered with marks that resemble impressions of a coarse osier basket, but which may have l)een made with a ])lunt stylus. Another fine specimen is shown in plate cLXxi. This is one of a pair of handsome pieces recently obtained bj- the Bureau of American Ethnology from a mound in Vernon county, Wisconsin. It is 6i inches in height, and in symmetry and finish it rivals the best work of the South. The paste is dark, compact, and fine grained, and is tem- pered with fine sand. The color of the surface is a rich, mottled brown. The \\\y is smooth and the margin rounded. The outside of the nar- row collar is ornamented with oblique incised lines, and is ci'ossed at intervals by lines made with a notched wheel. The neck is slightly constricted, and is encircled Ijy a polished zone 1^ inches wide having a line of indentations along the upper edge. The body is separated into four lobes by four vertical, depressed, polished bands about 1 inch wide. Two of these lobes are crossed oblitjucly by similar polished bands. These bands were all finished with a polishing implement and are slightly depressed, thus giving rise to the somewhat lobed shape. They are bordered by wide, incised lines. The intervening spaces or lo1)es are indented with a roulette, moved back and forth in irregular zigzag arrangement. Specimens of this ware are found in Illinois as far south as Union county. On the west side of the Mississippi I know of no examples from localities farther south than Scott county, Iowa. Some of these were illustrated in the first volume of the Proceedings of Davenport Academy of Science. The vessel shown in plate CLXXia was found in a mound near Davenport, closely associated with human remains and other relics, among which were several copper implements covered with coarse woven fabrics. Its height is 11 inches, the width of the aperture is 7i inches, and the diameter of the base is 4 inches. There is a broad, shallow constriction at the neck. The walls are from one- fourth to three-eighths of an inch thick, and the margin of the rim is squared off, showing the full thickness — a common feature in the northern pottery. The fonn is nearly symmetric and the surface is well smoothed, but is not polished. At present the paste is dark and BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX ili^niuMiN / J (MICHIGAN) C (MICHIGAN) d (MICHIGAN J e (OHIO) /■(MICHIGAN, FROM SQUIER AND DAVIS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES) EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE NORTHWESTERN GROUP ■■.^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXX h (Wlb^^noiiv. nEIQHT 6i INCHES) a (ILLINOIS, DIAMETER ABOUT 4i INCHES) EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE NORTHWESTERN GROUP ** BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI a (IOWA, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, HEIGHT 11 INCHES) ft (OHIO, FROM SQUIER AND DAVIS, HEIGHT 5i INCHES) EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE NORTHWESTERN GROUP OF THE UNW£,;SITY or HOLMES] ROULETTE-DECORATED POTTERY 193 crumbling and shows a rough fracture. A large percentage of sand was used in tempering. The color is a dark gray-brown, and the entire surface, with the exception of a narrow band about the base, has been covered with ornamentation. Two or three distinct implements have been used in the work. A part of the neck ornament was made by rolling back and forth a circular tool, the edge of which was notched. A row of indented nodes has been produced upon the exterior surface of the neck by impressing upon the inside the end of a reed or hollow .bone about one-fourth of an inch in diameter. Patterns of bold lines, rather carelessly drawn, cover the bod}', and seem to have been made by trailing under pretty strong pressure the smooth point of a stylus — probably the bone or reed implement alreadj- suggested. Some of the large indentations on the lower part of the neck may have been made by the same implement, held in an oblique position and used as a scoop. This vessel and several others of the same group and section are flat-bottomed. I regard this as very good evidence that the work is recent, and it may yet be shown that this ware and the much-dis- cussed engraved stone tablets of the same section are properly attrib- uted to the tribes occupying the banks of the Mississippi long after the steamboat began its career on the Father of Waters. A similar vase, tastefull}' decorated with indented lines about the neck and a band of decoration consisting of broad, plain, sinuous bands on the body, comes from a mound in Buffalo township, Scott county, Iowa. A vase from Ross county, Ohio, copied from Squier and Davis's Ancient Monuments, figure 2, plate xlvi, is presented in plate CLxixy. The ornament in this case is apparently treated in much the same manner as in the Laporte specimens, and the figure of a bird, quite conventionalh' drawn, is paralleled in a similar vase, plate CLXixe, obtained in Michigan, the exact locality not being known. The parallel holds good with respect not only to the bird and its treat- ment, but also to other features of ornamentation, and the vessels closelj' correspond in shape. A third specimen decorated with bird figures was obtained by Dr H. F. Snyder from a mound in Illinois. The vase and design are presented in figure 75. In the museum of the Historical Society of Missouri at St Louis is still another vessel of this type, and another handsome vase of the same general class, copied from Squier and Davis, page 189, appears in plate CLXxtS. It is a significant fact, in this connection, that the few pieces of pottery found by Mr Moorehead in the Hopewell mounds, near Chillicothe, Ohio, are of this general type. Illustrations are given in plate clxxii. The large fragment a shows the usual incising and rouletting, and the shape is equally characteristic, resembling most closely, perhaps, that of the Iowa specimens already described. The restored shape appears in J, and the outline of a small piece with rouletted rim, cord- paddled body, and conic base is shown in c. 20 ETH— 03 1.3 194 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ann.20 It would seem that the builders of the great mound groups about Chillicothe, the enterprising people who gathered stores of shells 'from the Atlantic, copper from Lake Superior, flint from the lower Ohio valley,' and obsidian from the Rocky mountains, Oregon, or Mexico, were identical with or closely related to tribes scattered over a large part of aregiop including parts of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Though the pottery of this group of peoples is not nearly so highly developed as is that of the southern , mound-builders, as, for examplfe^ those of Cahokia, in Illinois, and of Etowah, in Georgia, there c^n be little doubt that their general culture was of an order equally advanced. - 't .! With respect to the origin: of the great numbers of obsidian imple- ments found in the Hopewell mounds, it may be well to note that there is no trace of Mexican characters in the pottery of these mounds; besides, the general cttehd of the group of ware here asso- V, C:. 1 : a Fig. 76— Vase with conventionalized bird design. Drawings furnished by Dr H. F. Snyder. , ciated is from Chillicothe toward the northwest, suggesting the upper Missouri region or the valley of the Columbia as the source of the obsidian. The significance of this observation is emphasized by the discovery of fragments of rouletted ware in the Yellowstone National Park, where great beds of obsidian are found (see page 201). CcRD- AND Textile-Marked Ware Pottery of typical archaic form is distributed over a vast area in the Northwest. It connects with the corresponding wares of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, and Canada, and its occurrence is very general and uniform over the Great lakes region, the upper Mississippi, the Missouri, and Red river of the North valleys, and it is found with decreasing frequency in the far-away Yellowstone country, and even, in rare cases, in the Green river valley and in Great Salt lake basin. In more or less typical fomi it extends over into the Middle Mississippi and South Appalachian ceramic provinces. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII h (DIAMETER ABOUT 7 INCHES) a (DIAMETER ABOUT 7 INCHES' EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE FROM HOPEWELL MOUNDS, ROSS COU NORTHWESTERN GROUP (MOOREHEAD COLLECTION, FIELD COLUMBIAM MUSEUM) NTY, OHIO HOLMES] FABRIC-MARKED POTTERY 195 It is the product of peoples of the same general level of culture as those found in possession of the region, and is no doubt largely the work of the present inhabitants, the modern representatives of the great Algonquian and Siouan families. A number of these tribes continued to practice this art down to the period of English and French occupation, and the Mandans, the Grosventres, and possibly others, were making their simple ware until within the present generation. Catlin describes the work of the Mandans (Siouan family) of sixty years ago, and his account is quoted in the introductory pages of this paper. Traditional accounts of the practice of the art are given by several authors. George Bird Grinnell, already quoted in the intro- duction, records definite traditions of the making of pottery by the Pawnees, and Mr A. J. Comfort states that — Earthen vessels were in use by our Dakotas during the childhood of men still liv- ing (about 1870). I have interrogated separately and on different occasions the principal and most reliable men of the Sissiton and Wahpeton tribes, all of whom tell the same story of having seen earthen kettles for culinary purposes in use by their parents. « An early explorer in the great Northwest, the Prince of Wied, speaking of the Mandans, Minitaris, and Arikaras, declares that — These three nations understand the manufacture of earthen pots and vessels of various forms and sizes. The clay is of a dark slate color and burns a yellowish red, very similar to what is seen in the burnt tops of the Missouri hills. This clay is mixed with flint or granite reduced to powder by the action of fire. The work- woman forms the hollow inside of the vessel by means of a round stone which she holds in her hand, while she works and smooths the outside with a piece of poplar bark. When the pot is made it is filled and surrounded with dry shavings and then burnt, when it is ready for use. They know nothing of glazing. >> It is quite impossible to present this pottery in detail, and the wares of a few widely scattered localities may be chosen as typical of all. Wisconsin has manj^ sites rich in sherds of this ware. Two Rivers, situated midway on the west shore of Lake Michigan, occupies an ancient and important village site, and large quantities of pottery frag- ments have been unearthed through the persevering efforts of Mr H. P. Hamilton, of the city; many of these specimens have been preserved and placed within the reach of students. The large vessel shown in plate CLXXiii was dug up in 1901, and is described as follows in a letter transmitting the photograph here reproduced: I have just succeeded in restoring an earthen vessel — the first I have been success- ful with, and I have been trying for years. This vessel was discovered in the sand about four blocks from our office, near the lake shore, where innumerable vessels have been destroyed. The sand had thawed out for about 4 inches and the vessel was broken into some 200 pieces. Hot water and fire were resorted to and most of aComfort, A. J., Smithsonian Report, 1871. p. 402. I> Maximilian (Prince of Wied), Travels in the Interior of North America, p. 348. 196 ABOEIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.a.sn.20 the vessel was finally secured. The fragments were so soft and easily broken while wet that they would easily crumble if held in the hand, but after teing dried they became quite hard. It was quite a difficult task to join the pieces, especially toward the completion, when the restored large pieces had to be joined, but it wa.s finally accomplished. The vessel is 13 inches in height and 4 feet in circumference. The weight is 10 pounds. The top opening is oblong, 10 inches the narrow way and V. inches the wide way. Two pairs of hole« have been bored in one side, probably for inserting cords for the purpose of checking an incipient crack. The ornamentation is not as elaborate as on some pieces I have found here, but still is very fair A skeleton was buried with it, but nothing could be saved of this except some frag- ments of the skull. The smaller vessel shown in this plate is about the size of an ordi- nary coffee cup, and is similar in character to the large piece. The pottery of this site presents pronounced Algonquian characters, and if the sherds were to be intermingled with those of Atlantic coast sites it would be difficult to separate them. Plate clxxiv contains fragments of rims of ordinary vessels. It will be seen that one of these has a sharp projection, such as is frequently seen in the Iroquoian ware of New York, and it is further noted that the mouth of the FIG. 76-Sections o£ rims of vases from a village site at Two Rivers, Wisconsin vessel was squarish, emphasizing the likeness to the Iroquoian work It is not at all impossible that the influence of the powerful tribes of New York extended to the western shores of the Great lakes, but since this angular form is undoubtedly due to the influence of bark vessels, it mav hav(5 had an independent origin in the West. Th^ paste of this pottery is not very fine grained, and it is tempered with silicious particles, sometimes rather coarse. The pot or caldron presents variants in form extending from deep bowl shapes, on the one hand, to rather tall jar shapes, on the other. In size the specimens vary from minute cups to vessels 18 or 20 inches in diameter. The base is rounded or conic, the shoulder is often slightly angular, and the neck is more or less sharply constricted. The rim is generally turned out- ward. The lip is much varied in form and embellishment. Prohles are shown in figure 76. . , . • j i „„^c. The surface is generallv well covered with texturing and decora- tion. The bodv has been finished by paddling or rocking with textile- covered tools, "or by cord-wrapped roulettes-usually, 1 believe, the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII LARGE VASE FROM A VILLAGE SITE, TWO RIVERS, WISCONSIN NORTHWESTERN GROUP (HAMILTON COLLECTION, DIAMETER OF TOP 11 INCHESJ V.M. ■■ .-*1 '^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV ^^"-^^ <. ***' POTSHERDS FROM A VILLAGE SITE, TWO RIVERS, WISCONSIN NORTHWESTERN GROUP mAMIUTON COLLECTION, ABOUT ACTUAL SIZE) ■:i.? "01^^] POTTERY OF WISCONSIN 197 latter — the implement having been rolled up and down from rim to base, leaving approximatelv parallel imprintings, as is indicated in some of the specimens illusti-ated. After the malleating process was finished, the neck and rim were smoothed down and decorated in various ways, most generally by impressing cords into the soft clay, producing patterns, or by merely repeating indentations of the cord laid on flat or doubled up, making deep indentations. This treatment extended to the margin of the lip and, in cases, to the interior surface. Trailed and incised lines and punctures are seen in numerous instances, and in the vessels suggesting Iroquoian relationships the patterns resemble those characterizing the Iroquoian ware. The National Museum collections contain fragments of a well-made vessel from Lake Nipigon, western Ontario, 500 miles north of Two Rivers. The ware is of much better make than the pottery south of Lake Su- perior, and has i-ather de- cided Iroquoian characters. The paste is silicious and > Fig. 77— Fragments of a large vase from Lake Niplgon, Ontario heavy, the walls thick, the body well polished, and the neck and thick- ened collar decorated with strongly drawn patterns of incised straight lines. The fragments are shown in figure 77. Mandan Pottery It is fortunate for the student of primitive ceramics that at least one tribe continued the practice of the art down to the present period. The Mandans may even yet at times renew the work of pottery manu- facture, but no record of this has been made for several decades. The work of this tribe is described by Catlin and is represented by several specimens preserved in our museums. It serves as a key to the great group of ware now under review, connecting it closely with the Siouan peoples — the buffalo-hunting tribes — the typical wild tribes of North America. To be sure, the Mandans lived in permanent villages com- posed of substantial earth lodges, were largely sedentary, and on account of their remoteness naturally kept up the practice of primitive 198 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OP EASTERN" UNITED STATES [f,th.ans.20 industries longer than the equally sedentarj' tribes of the same family farther south. Catlin's account of the pottery making of the Mandans is quoted in full in the introduction, and I need do no more hero than present the illustrations, plate clxxv. The vessel shown in a is 6 inches in diameter and 6 inches in height, about the average size, and strong and neatly made, of grayish-yellow cla}' tempered with sand or pul- verized crj'stalline rock. Its characteristics of form are the wide mouth with rim developed into a wide collar, to which two handles are attached, alternating with two angular projections. The body swells but little, and terminates in a rounded cone below. The gen- eral surface was finished, first, with the usual cord-wrapped imple- ment, traces of the imprintings being still seen about the neck. After this, the surface was finished by application of a tool producing impressions such as would be made hy a paddle wrapped with straw or rushes; thej' are plainly to be seen in the illustration. Next, the neck and rim were rubbed down, obliterating the imprintings, and the collar and handles were embellished by impressing strong cords in simple, angular patterns. Triangular spaces at the top of the handles and over the alternating projections have received each three imprint- ings from a round-pointed stamp, probablj' the end of a stick, about one-fourth inch in diameter. Possibly these indentations may stand for the eyes and mouth of some animal, while the cord imprintings of the rim stand for the markings of the body. The specimen was received from Dr Washington Matthews, U. S. A., stationed at Fort Stevenson, North Dakota, in 1868. A very similar specimen is credited to the Grosventre tribe. Specimen 5, collected b^^ General William B. Hazen, Chief Signal Officer, is recorded without assignment to anj' tribe. It was associ- ated, however, with Sioux relics, and doubtless came from the Man- dans, as it duplicates in nearly every particular the specimen described above. The body shows no traces of textile markings, but the entire surface is covered with impressions made b\- a paddling tool, and cer- tain impressions about the neck suggest that this was possiblj- a bit of wood, carved with alternating low ridges and shallow grooves. The collar is without the three indentations seen in the other specimen. The color is terra-cotta, mottled with black cloudings, produced by the firing. Dried mush adheres to the inside and extends in lines — as if from boiling over — down the sides of the vessel. This latter feature and the presence of a buckskin carrying-band indicate recent origin and use. The two specimens given in plate clxxvi belong also to the Hazen collection, but, not being assigned to any locality or people, they should be referred to with caution. They possess, however, numerous fea- tures in common with Mandan work. Possibly they were obtained BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV a IDIAMETER 6 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 75 INCHES) POTTERY OF THE MANDAN INDIANS, DAKOTA NORTHWESTERN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL Rtf'ORT PL. CUXXVI b (HEIGHT 6i INCHES) POTTERY FROM THE MISSOURI VALLEY (?) NORTHWESTERN GROUP "Srnia holmes] MANDAN AND PAWNEE POTTEKY 199 from village or burial sites at some point on the Missouri river. Specimen a has been finished by paddling with an implement wrapped with tine cords, and specimen 5 is tempered with shell, and has rude scrolls scratched on the four lobes of the body. These features would seem to connect the specimen with ware of the Middle Mississippi group. Pawnee Potteky The National Museum contains an interesting lot of fragments of earthenware brought in by Dr F. V. Hayden about the year 1867. A Fig. 78 — Outlines ol vases from a Pawnee (?) village site, east-central Nebraska. fragments. Restored from large few pieces are shown in plate clxxvii. Thej' are from a Pawnee vil- lage site on Beaver creek, Nebraska, in the east-central part of the state. They exhibit unusual variety of form and ornament, but nearly all appear to represent small pot-shaped vessels, a striking character- istic being the many handles. In this respect they suggest the handled pots of western Tennes- .see, illustrated in plate xii. The prevailing form is illustrated in outline in figure 78. The fragment of a pipe (figure 79) found with these sherds is an unusual featui-e in the far North- west. The paste of this ware is gray, with dark fire-mottlings, and it is not veiy hard. It is tempered with sand and, in cases, with grains of some dark crystalline rock. In general appearance the vessels are much like those of Mandan manu- facture. The rounded bodies of the vessels, as a rule, have been finished with cord-wrapped or ribbed implements, and the necks, handles, and rims have been smoothed off to receive the decoration of incised lines and indentations. In some cases the bod3^ has been loibbed smooth and left plain, and in others the incised ornamental markings have been carried down over nearly the entire surface, as is shown in the middle left-hand figure of plate clxxvii. Fig. '9 — Fragment of a clay pipe from a Pawnee (?) village site, east-central Nebraska. 200 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eth.ans.20 The following paragraphs are quoted from Dr Hayden's account: All along the Missouri, in the valleys of the Little Blue, Big Blue, Platte, and Loup Fork rivers, I have observed the remains of these old dirt villages, and pieces of pot- tery are almost invariably found with them. But on a recent visit to the Pawnee reservation on Loup Fork I discovered the remains of an old Pawnee village, apparently of greater antiquity than the others, and the only one about which any stone implements have as yet been found. On and around the site of every cabin of this village I found an abundance of broken arrowheads, chipped flints, some of which must have been brought from a great dis- tance, and a variety of small stones, which had been used as hammers, chisels, etc. I have gathered about half a bushel of the fragments of pottery, arrowheads, and chipped flints, some of which I hope to place in the museum of the Smithsonian next winter. No Pawnee Indian now living knows of the time when this village was inhabited. Thirty years ago an old chief told a missionary that his tribe dwelt here before his birth. « Other Northwestern Pottbky From a mound near Fort Wadsworth, North Dakota, Mr A. J. Comfort obtained much fragmentary pottery, and his descriptions, being detailed and interesting, are quoted: The sherds were evidently from some vessels no larger than a small jar or goblet and from others whose capacity must have been 4 or 5 gallons. * * * The thick- ness of these sherds varies from one-eighth to three-eighths of an inch, according to the size of the vessel, though few exceed one-fourth. Sand has been the only sub- stance used to give stiffness to the mass during process of molding and prevent the ware from cracking while burning, and has probably been obtained from disinte- grated stones, some of which were found on the hearths elsewhere spoken of. I have been able to find no whole vessels, but from the fragments of the rims, sides, and bottoms it is not difficult to form a fair conception of their shape, which, for aboriginal art, was wonderfully symmetrical, gradually widening from the neck or more constricted portion of the vessel until it attains its greatest diameter at a dis- tance of one-third of the height from the bottom, which is analogous, in curvature, to the crystal of a watch. To the neck is attached the rim, about 1 inch in width, though sometimes 2; this slopes outward at an angle of about 20 degrees from a per- pendicular. * » * I have found no pieces containing ears or handles, though an Indian informant tells me that small vessels were supplied with ears. That the aboriginal potters of the lacustrine village of Cega lyeyapi were fond of decoration, and practiced it in the ceramic art, is shown by the tracings confined to the rims. Rim ornaments coiisist of very smooth lines about one-twentieth of an inch in width, and as deep, drawn quite around the vessels, parallel to the margin. These are sometimes crossed by zigzag lines terminating at the neck of the vessel and the margin of the rim. Lines drawn obliquely across the rim of the vessel, and returning so as to form the letter V, with others parallel to the margin of the rim, joining its sides, the same repeated as often as space admits, constitute the only tracings on some vessels. The inside of the vessels is invariably plain. . . . The outside of the vessels proper, exclusive of the rim, which is traced, bears the impression of very evenly twisted cords running in a parallel direction and closely crowded together, the alternate swelling and depression of whose strands have left equidistant indentations in every line thus impressed. These lines run, on the sides of the vessels, in a direction perpendicular to the rim, and disappear within a half nDr F. V. Hayden, Smithsonian Report, 1867, p. 411. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXVII r POTTERY FROM A PAWNEE VILLAGE SITE, NEBRASKA NORTHWESTERN GROUP (ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) HOLMES] POTTERY OF YELLOWSTONE PARK 201 of an inch or an inch of it, each indentation becoming indistinct near the end. I have counted from ten to fifteen of these casts in the space of a linear inch, and yet some of the sherds represent much finer cords." The ware of the Mi.ssissippi valley proper naturally extend far up the western tributaries, and a few fragments have been found in the Yellowstone Park, one of the most remote and inaccessible localities in the country. These fragments were brought in by Colonel P. W. Norris, Superintendent of the Park, in 1880. They represent a large jar or pot with upright neck. The material is coarsely silicious and the walls are thick. Just below the rim is a line of nodes made by punching with a round implement from within, and there are indis- tinct traces of roulette-markings. These pieces have a close analogy with the roulette-stamped ware of Naples, Illinois, and therefore with the whole rouletted group. A few fragments of very archaic ware have been gathered in Idaho and on the site of Salt Lake City, Utah. These seem to be related to the primitive northern pottery, rather than to the Pueblo ware of the South. <■ Comfort, A. J., In Smithsonian Keport for 1871, pp. 400-401. Ctli?t INDEX Note. Roman ntimerals in small capitals designate plates; those in lower case designate pages. Abnaki region, extent of 167-168 ware of 1"9,clix Acknowledgments 16-17 Acorn Indians, clasaific term proi>03ed , . xiv Acorns, devices for grinding xv repi*esentation of, in Florida mortu- ary pottery 124,xcii,xcviii use of, as food xiv Activities, classification of xxix designed for expression cxUli-oxliv Adair, James, on spinning by southern Indians 33 Adamscounty, Ohio, occurrence of earth- en ware spools in... 44 Adoption, confusing effect of, on pottery records 19 Advertising as an element of commerce, xlviil African physiognomy, suggestion of, in d ath's-head vases 97 Age. See Chronology. Alabama, Iroquoian ware said to have been found in. KG.lTl occurrence of stamped ware in 122 pipes of 99,LXiv pottery from 37,38,39,105-1(8, XI, LV-LXI V, LXXXII, LXXXI 1 1 Alalmma river, pottery of.. 107-108, lxii-lxiv Alaska, field work in ix.xl Albany, 111., pottery from 192,olxx Albemarle. See Pamlico- Albemarle. Alexander county, ni., occurrenceof salt- making vessels in 28 Algonquian creation myths, work on xxi Algonquian dialects, work on xi,xx-xxi Algonquian pipes, character of 140 distribution of 173 Algonquian pottery, divisions ar.d distri- bution of.. 21,144-145,147,164,165, IV occurrence of. Lake Huron region ... 171, CLXVIll pottery resembling, South Appala- chian province 133 simplicity of form of 162 tempering of 161 See Middle Atlantic Coast pottery (pp. 145-158) ; New Jersey-New Eng- land pottery (pp. 175-179); Ohio Valley pottery (pp. 182-186); Northwestern pottery (pp. 186-201). Algonquian peoples, connection of, with Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 81 with Northwestern pottery 195 with shore pottery — 160 with South Atlantic pottery.... 131,142 inclosure of Iroquois by 159 Algonquian peoples, possible influence of, on Canadian pottery 170-171 Algonquian region, occurrence of Iro- quoian pottery in . 168 Allegheny valley, character of pottery of 183 Allen Settlement, Pa., vessel from. . . 166, cxlv Alligator, representation of. In Gulf Coast pottery UO.i.xxvi Altars, clay, occui-rence of, in eastern United States 36-37 Alton, 111., Telegraph, on salt vessels 31 America, aboriginal pottery of 19-201 characterization of paper on aborigi- nal pottery of xxvi-xxvil American Anthropologist, article on ma- ple sugar in 83 papers on American jwttery in 15 lepers on evolution of ornament in. . 64 American Association for the Advance- ment of Science, paper on Ver- mont pottery in Proceedings of 169 American Museum of Natural Histoiy, acknowledgments to 16 American Naturalist, paper on Vermont pottery in 169 Amulets, pottery, Florida peninsula 128 Anacostia, D. C, aboriginal village on site of 156 pottery from 156-157, cxl, ex n See District of Columbia. Anger, bodily attitude as a sign of. cxlii-cxliii Animal forms and designs, Apalachee- Ohio pottery 180 eastern United States pottery 40, 41,62,6:3,65,66,67 significance of 100 Florida Peninsula lottery 118, 119. 123, 134, 126, 127, 128. xc, XCII,XCVI,XCVII, oi-ossible borrowing of decorative art of, from Pueblos. 52 Arkansas Post, bowls from 88-89, viii Arkansas region, decoration in color of pottery of 67 Arkansas river, abundance of pottery along 23 Arrow points, burial of sherds resem- bling, Florida peninsula 119 Art, lessons of northern ware concerning development of 146 purposes of study of products of 18 Arts, aboriginal, plan of Director of Bu- reau for monographs on 16 determination of cuUxu-e status of peoples by 22 factors controlling 22-23 use of pottery. in, by American aborig- ines 25 value of pottery in study of 18, 19 Aryan problem clxiii-clxiv Ashes, use of, as tempering material, in eastern United States pottery. 46 Athens, Pa., vase from. 166,CXLVI Atlantic Coast pottery, area covered by. . 81 characterof 175 Atlantic Coast pottei*y, recentness of employment of animal fig- ures in 128 resemblance of Northwestern pottery to 196 .See Middle Atlantic Coast pottery: South Appalachian pottery: Florida Peninsula pottery. Atwater, Caleb, compound vase described by.. 138,cxvin Augusta, Qa., intermingling of wares in mound near 137 occurrentre of Middle Miasissippi types of jrottery near 80-81 pottery from near 134,cxvi Babe, clay figxire of, eastern United States 40,41 Bainbridge, Pa., designs from vases from 171,CXLJX pipes of 173 pottery from 165,cxLiv Baird, S. F., discovery of Iroquoian pot- tery by, near Ipswich, Mass . . 168 Baking, Catawba method of 53,54-56 Cherpkee method of 56 eastern United States pottery, de- gree of 49 methods of.... 62-63,54-55,56,57,58,59,60 effect of, on fiber tempering 121 on shell tempering 48 Florida Peninsxila pottery 117-118,124 Iroquoian pottery 161 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 165 pipes 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84 Balsam lake region, Ontario, Iroquoian pottery from 170,cxLvni Barbarism, pottery-making during 24 Barber, E . A . , acknowledgments to 17 Bark, Catawba use of, in baking 54-55 Cherokee use of, in baking 56 use of, as tempering material, Florida peninsula 117 Bark ashes, use of, as tempering mate- rial, eastern United States 46 Bark vessels, influence of, on form of pot- tery . 161.162,196 preceramic use of, by American abo- rigines ^ Bartow county, Ga., clay flgurines from 41 Bartram, John, collection of pottery by. 59 Bases, anniilar, eastern United States pottery 62, 90,93, V, XTii, XV, XVII, XXVII eastern United States pottery, devel- opment of 62 Florida Peninsula pottery 18,121 perforation of -. 119, 124,125, 127, Lxxxvii,xcix,c,cvi Gulf Coast pottery 105, 111,LIV, LXVII, LXXVIII, LXXVIIIA perforation of lll,LXXViil Iroquoian pottery 162 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 145, 148, 151, 155, cxxx , cxxxvii, CXI.I Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 88, 90,93,v-vn,xvil INDKX 205 Bases, Northwestern pottery 196 Ohio Valley pottery 185,CLXiii perforation of, in burial, eastern United States Ill, 119, 124, 125, 127, i-xxvni, LXXXVII, XCIX, C, CVI South Appalachian pottery 133, 143 southern and northern pottery 145, 187 Spanish olive jars 129,130 tripod 93,xvi,xvii See Feet; Forms; Walls. Basket, Cherokee, design from 171, cl. Basketry. See Baskets. Baskets, Hudson collection of, acquisition of _ X study of xvi-Kvii Imitation of effect of, by flnger-nail markings on pottery 75,79 use of , as models for clay vessels 68, 162 by California Indians x vii clay in protecting from fire 49 in manufacture and decoration of pottery 36,50,58,65,69-71,134 in salt making 28 Batesville, Ark., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels near 88 Bath tub, occurrence of, Florida penin- sula 130 Beads, occurrence of, in burial vase. South Appalachian group 136 use of, in imprinting textile patterns. 79 clay, occurrence of, eastern United States 25,42 Florida peninsula 119,124 Middle Mississippi Valley province 83 resemblanceof spindle whorls to. 33 Venetian, occurrence of, in the Flor- Idamounds 120 -See Nodes. Bear, modeled representations of, Iro- quoian pipes - _ 174 Bear Point, Ala. , pottery from. 106-107, lt v-Lix Beasts. -See Animals. Beauchamp, Rev. "W. M., acknowledg- ments to _ 17 exploration of Iroquoian province by. 159 studies in Iroquoian pottery by 167 Beaver, modeled representation of. Mid- dle Mississippi Valley pottery . 107 Beaver creek, Nebr., pottery from 199- 200, CLXXVii Big Blue river, remains of Pawnee vil- lageson _. 200 Biloxi Indians, responsibility of, for Gulf Coast pottery 105 Bird forms and designs, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 180,181 eastern United States pottery 63,65,67 significance of _ 100 Florida Peninsula iwttery 1S3, 124, 126, 128,129, Lxxxix,xc, XCVI,XCV1I, CI, CIV, CXI Gulf Coast pottery 106-107, 108,109-110, 112, 114, LVi-Lix,i.xviii, LXIX, LXXIV, LXXVII,UXXIX,LXXX Iroquoian pipes 174,CLVii Bird forms and designs. Lower Mississippi Valley jwttery 104, LI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 87, 88, 92, 94, 95, 96, VI, XIV, .XX, XXII, XXIX, XI.VIII-L Northwestern ix)ttery 193, 194, CLXIX South Appalachian pottery 139-240, CXIX, CXX,CXXIV See Animal; Life. Black river, salt stream entering 31 Blish, A. H., vessel collected by 166, CXLV Boas, Franz, office work by xxi Body,attitude of, as a sign of anger, cxlii-cxliii See also Forms. Boiling, method of, used by American aborigines 26-27 See Domestic ix>ttery; Uses. Bolivia, character of pottery of 20 Bone, Indian manufacture of pipes of 172 occurrence of symbolic designs en- graved on 101 Bones, use of , in decoration of pottery . 66, 84, 193 See Burial. Boston bay, Iroquois visits to 168 Boston Natural History Museum, speci- mens of Spanish olive jars in . 130 Bottles, Apalachee-Ohio province, al> senceof 180 Florida peninsula, rarity of 118 glass, Florida peninsula 130 Gulf Coast pottery 105-112 LIV, L.VI, LXIV, LXVm, LXIX, LXXI, LXXII, LXVIII, LXVIIIa, LXXIXi) Iroquoian province, absence of 162 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 102, 103-104, LI, LII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 87, 90-93, VII, xiii-xx, XXII, xxv-xxix, XXXIV-XLII, XLIV-XLVI, XLIX, L thickness of walls of 83 northern United States, absence of . . 145 South Appalachian pottery 138, cxviii See Forms. Bowls, Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 121, 122, 123, Lxxxvi,cv, cvi, ex Gulf Coast pottery 105- 113, LIV-LVI, LX, LXI, LXIir, LXV-LXVII, LXX, LXXIIt-LXXV Iroquoian province, rarity of 162 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 102, LI, LII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 87-«9, v, VI, viii-.x, xix-.xxi, XXIII-XXV, XXyil, XLVII-L South Appalachian ixjttery 131, 132, 133, 136, 139-140, cxii, cxv,cxx,cxxvii,cxxix use of, in burial 133, cxiI See Forms; Pipes. Boyle, David, collection of Iroquoian pot- tery by 170 explorationof Iroquoian province by. 159 illustrations from work of, on Iroquo- ian pottery 170,CXLVHI papers by, on Canadian pottery 171 Bracken county, Ky., occurrence of earth- enware spools in.. a 206 INDEX Brackenridge, H. M.,on salt vessels. 29 Bradby, Terrill, on Paiiiunkey ix>ttery making 15;^ Bradford county, Pa., vessel from 106 Bran, Cherokee use of, in smother firing. 56 Brazil, character of pottei*y of 20 Brazos river, occuiTence of pottery re- sembling that of the middle Missiesippi valley near 81 Bricks, absence of, middle Mississippi valley 82 British America, association of ceramic and textile arts in 67-68 British Museum, drawings by John "White in - 15,26 Brown county, Ohio, occurrence of earth- enware spools in 44 Bruce county, Ontario, i>ot from. ._ 110 Brushes, application of coloi-s by, eastern United States 67,86 Bryson City,N.C.,polishingstone from,. 56 Buckskin bag, occurrence of, with Man- dan vessel - 198 Buffalo Sioux, connection of, with North- western textile-marked pot- tery . 198 Burial, methods of, Florida peninsula and Gulf coast - 119 Potomac-Chesapeake province, in- fluence of, on potter's art. . . 150-151 useof pottery in 23-24,26,33,37^2 See Mortuary pottery. Butel-Dumont, G. M.. on earthem drums of Louisiana Indians 34-35 on pottery making in Lower Missis- sippi valley 57,103 on prei)aration of clays for pottery making 46 Butler county, Ohio, collections of pot- tery from 184 Buzzard, representation of, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery 95, x x Caddoan family, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tery 102 with Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 81 with Northwestern pottery 187 Calabashes. See Gourds. Caldrons. See Pots. Caldwell county, N. C, mingling of wares in mounds of 137,147 pottery from 144,cxxix resembling that of Yadkin valley. 149 California, collections from xxiv field work in ix,x linguistic diversity among Indians of - X vii-xix milling apparatus used by natives of XV office work on material from Ix , xiv, xvi-xvii Camp sites, occurrence of pottery on 23 Canada, Iroquoian ware of. 21, 160-171, cxLViii resemblance of Northwestern pottery tothatof 194 Canadian Institute, acknowledgments to. 16 collection of Iroquoian pottery by. .. 170 Canes, possible use of sections of, as pipes. 172 use of, in house building 37 Cany branch of Cumberland river, com- pound vase from 138, ex VIII Capital, consideration of Ixx investment of Ixx Capture, association of wares through... 139 Carafes. See Bottles. Canbbean designs, resemblance of South Appalachian stamp designs to 134,135 Caribbean ware, Gulf Coast ware suggest- ing 110-112, LXXVI-LXXVITIA CaroUnas, Cherokee connection with pot- tei-y of 143-144 difficulty in analyzing pottery of 142 intermingling of varieties of ware in. 144 ornamentation in color of pottery of. 67 pottery of coastal districts of 146, 150 pipe making by historic tribes of 140 resemblance of Delaware Valley pot- tery to that of 177-178 tribes formerly occupying 142 use of steatite as tempering in vessels from .- 47-48 See North Carolina; South Carolina. Carrying. See Domestic pottery. Carving, pottery decoration by means of, 65 See Decoration; Incision; Paddles; Stamps. Cassine, picture of brewing of 26 Catahoula county, La., ware found in mound at 103 Catawba Indians, former habitat of 142 modern lottery making by 20, 52, 53-55, 130, 131-132, 142-143 modern pottery of ... 143,oxxvii,cxxvilI pottery from mound resembling that of - 144 prehistoric pottery of 143 resemblance of Pamunkey pottery to that of - 152 Catlin, George, on Mandan pottery mak- ing 58,195,m Cavetown, Md., occurrence of Iroquoian pottery at -- 164 Cedar Keys, Fla. , pottery from near 1 12 127,LXXIX-LXXIXB,CV Cement, clay, use of, by American In- dians - 37 Cemeteries. See Burial; Mortuary. Central American pottery, forms occur- ring in - 34,35,85,182 Florida pottery suggesting 127,cvi functional scope of 24 groups of ". 20 Gulf Coast ware resembling. 109, 113, LXXil Central States, forms of pipes of 45, 98 Ceramic art. See Pottery. Ceremonial uses, influence of, on decor- ation of pottery 64,65,67,100 influence of, on forms of pottery ^ pottery for, eastern United States... 24, 25,34,36-37 INDEX 207 Ceremonial uses, pottery for, Florida peninsnla 119 Gulf coast 10r,t,vn Middle Mississippi Valley prov- ince - f*S South Appalachian prov- ince 138,cxviii -See Mortuary; Mytholo^; Relisrion. Oeremonies, use of drums in» by Amer- ican abori^nes 34 use of pipes in, eastern United States. 44 Charity, nature of Ixxxiii-lxxxiv Chatham county, Ga., potteryfrom 133, 136,cxii,cxvi Checker designs, use of, in color decora- tion, eastern United States pottery 67 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 86, XXXVI in stamp decoration, Florida Pen- insula pottery. 12:^, LXXXV,LXXXVI New Jersey-New England pot- tery 176.177-178 South Appalachian pottery. 133-134, cxiil.cxlv See Griddle designs. Cherokee Indiauin, connection of, with South Appalachian ware 143-144 design from basket of 171, cl habitat of 142.143,159 linguistic relationship of 142 modern manufacture of pottery by- , 20, 52, 5a-56, 71, 130, 181-132, 143, 173 modem pottery of 184, 143-144, cxiii, cxxvii potter's paddles of . . 73, 78, 80, 133, 134, cxili resemblance of Pamunkey iwttery to that of 152 use of fabrics by, in pottery manu- facture - 71 work on myths of xxii-xxlii Chesapeake-Potomac. See Potomac-Ches- ax>eake. Chesapeake valley, occurrence of Iro- quoian ware in 164 Chevron design. Middle Mississippi Val- ley pottery 90, XIII See Decoration. Chicago, occurrence of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery near 80 Chickasaw Indians, recent practice of potter's art by 130 Chillicothe, Ohio, builders of mounds about 194 potteryfrom near 193,clxxii Chiriqui, Columbia, character pottery of. 30 pajwr on decoration in 65 Choctawhatchee bay, pottery of 108-112, I4XV-LXXIX Choctaw Indians, bowl made by (1800) . . 102 recent practice of potter^s art by 130 Chronology, eastern United States pot- tery: Florida Peninsula pottery 116, 120-122,123,128 Iroquoian pottery 162 Chronology, Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 102-103 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83 New Jersey-New England pottery. 178,179 Northwestern pottery 143 Scmth Appalachian pottery 139, 142-144 value of simplicity of ware in deter- mining 24 iSee also Modern pottery making. Cincinnati, figurines found near 183 Cincinnati Museum of Art, acknowledg- ments to 16 Cinders, use of, as tempering material. . . 40 Circles, decoration by, eastern United States pottery 67 Iroquoian pottery 163 Middle Mis-sissippiValley pottery. 86 Cist, Jacob, vessel collected by 166,cxlvii Cists. See Burial; Graves; Occurrence. Civics, definition of term Ixxix Clam shell, representations of. Middle Mississippi Valley pottery ... 94,100 Clan, definition of term _.. xcil-xciil adoptive members of xcv, xcvili marriage laws of xciv,xcviii-c property laws of cl rites and tabus of xciv totems of. _ _ xciv Clarksville, Va., ware of 149,cxxxii Clay, Cherokee and Catawba pottery 53- 54,55,56 eastern United States pottery 45-46 first use of, in the arts 49 Florida Peninsula pottery 117 influence of strength of, on forms of vessels 68 Iroquoian pipes 173 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 155,158 use of , as paint _ 42,86 See Color; Washes, use of, in protecting vines used in sus- I>ension from fire _ 58 See Materials; Paste. Climate, efifectof, on developmentof arts. 22-23 Cloth. .S'ee Fabrics. Clouds, representation of, in pottery deco- ration 100 Coast and Geodetic Survey. See United States Coast and Geodetic Sur- vey. Coast range region, California, field work in X Cocoanut forms, Middle Mississippi Val- ley pottery 94 Cofllns. -See Burial; Mortuary pottery. Coll method, pottery making by, eastern United States 50-51,54,56,57,161 influence of, on ornament 65 Colchester, Vt., vessel found at 160 Collars, Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 90,92,xiii,xiv See Necks; Rims. Collections, acquisition of xxiv Collett, O. W., visit to salt-making pottery producing site by 31 Colonels island, Ga., burial vase from 133 208 INDEX Color, aboriginal American pottery 68 absence of, in specimen examined by P. Kalm 59 Catawba pottery 55,143 Cherokee pottery 56 eflfect of firing on 53 Florida Peninsula pottery. . . 117-118, 121, 126 Gulf Coast pottery 106,111 Iroquoian pottery 162 pipes 178-174 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 153, 155 pipes - - 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84-85 pipes - 99 New Jersey-New England ware 175 Northwestern pottery 193, 198, 199 Pamunkey pottery 152 South Appalachian pottery 132, 138 pipes. 141 Spanish olive jars 129 Color decoration, Apalachee-Ohio potr tery, absence of 180 aboriginal American pottery 42, 62,83-64,66-67 Florida pottery 118, 124, 125, 1^7, xoix, c, cv, cvi Gulf Coast pottery HI, 112, 113, Lxxviii rarity of 105 Iroquoian pottery, absence of 164 Lower Mississippi Valley i)ottery 103 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84, 86, 87, 88, 93, 95, 96, 88, 100, 101, XVI, XXII, XVII, XXXIX-XLIII South Appalachian pottery 138,cxviil southern and northern pottery 187 Colorado, office work on material from . ix Colorado river people. See Pueblo In- dians. Colombia, character of pottery of 20 Columbia, District of. See District of Columbia. Columbia river valley, probable origin of Hopewell mounds obsidian in. 194 Comb, function of use of 73, 135-138 tise of, in finishing, Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 148, 153-154, 157, cxxxix Comb-like ornaments, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 180 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery . . . 97-98, 154, XXIX, XXX Comfort, O. J., on manufacture of pottery by Dakotas 187,195 on pottery from Fort Wadsworth, N. Dak 200-201 Commerce, elements of xliii-xliv Compound vessels, eastern United States pottery, modeling of 61 Florida Peninsula pottery .. 118, 128, 127, cv Gulf Coast pottery 105 Iroquoian pottery, rarity of 182 Ohio Valley pottery... 185 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 90, 92, 93-94, VII, XIV Middle Atlantic Coast province, ab- sence of.. 151 South Appalachian pottery 138,cxvin Conch shell, representations of, Middle Mis,sissippi Valley pottery. . 94, XIX Cones, occurrence of representations of, Florida mortuary pottery 124 Conestogas, connection of, with Su.sque- hanna valley pottery 165 habitat of 159 Connecticut, Iroquoian pottery from 168 pottery of 146, 178, 179, clx Construction, principles of sxx vi-xxxix -See Manufacture. Containing, original use of vessel tor 61 See Domestic pottery. Contributions to North American ethnol- ogy, plan of 18 Conventionality of jwinted designs, east- ern United States pottery 67 Conventionalization of life motives, east- ern United States pottery 65,66 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 123, 126, 127, Lxxxix, xc, ci-civ, cvi Gulf Coast pottery. 113-114, lxxx-lxxxiu Cooking. See Domestic pottery. Cooking pits, employment of clay as lin- ing for 49 Cooperation, purposes of Ixv Cooper county, Mo., occurrence of salt- making vessels in 31 Copper, association of implements of, with pottery. Northwestern province 192 occurrence of articles of. In Georgia mound 139 occurrence of clay cores for ear disks of .— 43,142 occurrence of human heads stamped in, Georgia 138 work in, suggesting Mexican influence 42 Cords, imitation of Impressions of, in pottery decoration .... 66, 79, 134, 190 use of. In finishing and decoration, eastern United States pottery . 50, 52,68,72,73-79 Florida peninsula, rarity of 118 Iroquoian pottery . . . 163, cxlv-cxlvii Middle Atlantic Coast lottery. 148-166, CXXIX-CXXXI V, CXXXVII-CXXXVIII New Jersey-New England pot- tery 179,ciiIX Northwestern jwttery 188, 189,190,191, 194-201, CLXXii-CLXXVii Ohio Valley pottery 185, CLXIV See Fabrics; Paddles; Roulette; Tex- tiles. Corn, Pawnee use of, in glazing inner sur- faceofpots 59 Corn cobs, Cherokee use of, in smother- firing... 66 Com ears, representations of, Florida Peninsula pottery 124 supposed modeling of, Iroquoian pot- tery 163 Corporations, organization of. . . Ix v-lxvi, Ixxii pnrposesof Ixxii-lxxviil Costa Rica, character of pottery of 20 Costumes, representation of, on effigy vases. Middle Mississippi Val- ley group 57 INDEX 209 Councils, uses of pipes in 44 Covers to burial vases, South Appalacliian Srroup 133,136-137,0X11 Covington, La., bowl made by Cboctawa at 102 Crab, representation of, Florida pot- tery 127, cv Cradle, figurine representing 40, 41 Creative corporations, purposes of Ixxiii Creek Indians, connection of, with Florida pottery 115 with Gulf Coast pottery 106 with South Appalachian pot- tery. 131-132, 139, 142, 143 occupation of South Appala- chian province by 190 Crescent-shaped vessel. Middle Missis- sippi Valley group &4, XVIII Cross, symlxjHsm of .'. 100 use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery 67 Florida Peninsula stamped ware. LXXVIII Golf Coast stamped ware 108, 109 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery.. 86, XXXVlll.XLII Northwestern pottery 193, CLXX South Appalachian stamped ware. 134, 138-137, 140, CIV, cv-c VII, cxxi Crow, representation of, in Iroquoian pipes 174 Culin, Stewart, acknowledgments to 104 Culinary pottery. See Domestic pottery. Culture, value of pottery in study of .. 18,19,20 four stages of xcl Culture groups, lack of correlation of stamped ware with 122 represented by eastern United States pottery 20-22 represented by Ohio Valley pottery. 182-184 Culture stage indicated by Atlantic coast pottery. 33 indicated by Florida pottery 117, 122 indicated by Lower Mississippi Val- ley pottery . 102-103 indicated by Middle Mississippi Val- ley pottery 82-83 indicated by Northwestern pottery . . 195 Indicated by Ohio Valley pottery 186 of northern and southern potters 143 of pottery making 24 value of decorative motives in deter- mining 122 value of pottery in determining 22 Cumberland valley, abundance of pottery in 23 pottery of 81, 101,138, xliv-l, cxvill quality of pottery of 108 Cunningham, K. M., bowls in collection of 112-113 Cups, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 182 Cherokee pottery cxxvii Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 127, cv Gulf Coast pottery 105,107,LVII Iroquoian pottery 161 20 BTH— 03 14 Cups, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 87-89, 94, V, VI, VIII, -vix-xxi, xxni, XXV, XXVI, XL^^I-I. Northwestern pottery 196,CLXXIII South Appalachian pottery 138, 144, cxviii, cxxix Curved-line ornament, absence of, north- ern pottery 145,151,163,187 See Decoration; Meander; Scroll; Volute. Cushing, F. H., acknowledgments to 17 illustrations from . showing Pueblo use of baskets in molding and modeling 69 office work by xIi-xiil,xiT on influence of bark vessels on pot- tery 161 on influence of environment on art 159 on manufacture of Iroquoian pot- tery 161,163 on origin of stamp decoration 123 on ornament of Iroquoian pottery . . . 163 pottery collected by, Florida penin- sula 126, 127-128, ci-civ studies of, in American Indian sym- bolism 100 vase restored by 126, en work of, in Florida archeology 115, 128,127-128 in Iroquoian archeology 158 in mound exploration 16 Cyclopedia of Indian tribes, work on xxlv Cylinders, mortuary pottery, Florida peninsula 124,XGI Dakota, pottery from CLXXV Dakota Indians, connection of, with Northwestern pottery 187 recent manufacture of pottery by 195 Dalrymple, Dr , modem Pamunkey pottery collected by... 152,cxxxvi Dan valley, character of ware of 149 Dana, A. L., vessel collected by 166,CXLV Dances, use of drums in, by American aborigines 34 Davenport,Iowa, pottery from near. 192, CLXXI Davenport Academy of Sciences,acknowl- edgmentBto 16 paper published in Proceedings of 15 pottery in collections of 89,98, 192, viii-xvi, xviii-xxi, XXIII- XXVI, XXIX, XXX, Xlilll, CLXXI Dawson, Dr J W., illustrations of Iro- quoian pottery pubUshed by . . 170 DeathVhead vases. Middle Mississippi Valley group 96-96, XX1X-XXXII,XLIU Decanters. See Bottles. Decoration, eastern United States pot- tery 25,36,40-41,51-52,56,64-80 evolution of 64-66 Florida Peninsula pottery, designs . . . 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 128, 127, 128, LXXXIV- ucxxviii, xcix, c, CIV, cvin-ox methods 118 210 INDEX Decoration, Gulf Coast pottery .designs. 106, 107 108, 109-110, llS-114, Liv, LVI, LVII, LXVII, liXIX, LXXI, LXXVIIla, LXXX-LXXXIII methods 105-106 Irociuoian pipes 174-175, CLi V-CLVII Irociuoian pottery, designs 171-172, CXLIX-CLIII methods 162-164 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 103- lM,Lni Middle Atlantic Coast pipes 158 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery, de- signs _..14o,151,154,156,cxxx, cxxxv, cxxxvii, cxxxvm, cxn methods 148- 149, 151 , 154, 155-156, 157 , cxxx- cxxxii, CXXXVII, cxxxvm Middle Mississippi Valley pottery, de- signs 86,88,90-91,92,100- 101, XVII, XXIX, XXXVII-XXX VIII methods .-.- 85,86,88,89 New Jersey-New England pottery... 177, 179, CLVIII-CLX Northwestern pottery 188-190, 191, 194, 196-197, 198, 199, 200-201, CLX VI-CLXXVII Ohio Valley pottery 185-186, CLX v South Appalachian pottery, designs. . 133- 134, 138, 139-140, cxiii, cxiv, cxix methods 133-136 southern and northern pottery. 145-146, 187 See Checker; Color; Comb-like; Cords; Cross; Fabrics; Filfot; Grid- dle; Guilloche; Herringbone; Incision; Indenting; Inlaying; Meander; Paddles; Roulette; Scroll; Stamps; Trailing; Vo- lute. Deer, representation of. Middle Missis- sippi Valley pottery 95, xxi v Delaware, scarcity of pottery from 157 Dela"ware valley, occurrence of Iroquoian pottery In 178 pottery of 176-178, CLViii, clix relations of pottery of 147 resemblance of pottery of, to that of Chesapeake-Susquehanna val- ley 176 Dellenbaugh, F. S., on manufacture of death's-head vases. 96 Designs. See Decoration; Forms. Despair, sobbing as an expression of cxlii Determination, compressing the lips as a sign of cxliil Dickerson collection, pottery from 104, Lii Dictionary of American Indians, work on xxlv Dinwiddle, William, acknowledgments to 17 Disapproval, frowning as a sign of cxllii Diseases, explanation of, by ln>putation.. li-llv Disks, pottery, eastern United States 33,43 Iroquoian province.. 170 middle Mississippi valley 83 South Appalachian province 131, 141-142 rolling, use of , in decoration 52 Disks. See Ear disks; Houlette. Distribution, American pottery.. 23 Iroquoian pottery 164-171 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 80-81 See also the various groups. District of Columbia, pottei*y of 156-157, CXLr-CXLI Diversion, use of pottery for, among American aborigines 24-25 Doll. See Figurine. Domestic pottery, eastern United States. 24, 25-27,11 absence of coloration In 64,66 Florida peninsula 118-119 Gulf coast 104 Middle Atlantic province 148-150, CXXX-CXXXIV middle Mississippi valley 88 New Jersey-New England province, condition of, on exhumation.. 175 South Appalachian province . . 132, 136, ex v See Uses. Dog, representations of, Florida mortu- arypottery.. 12t,xcvil Iroquoian pipes 174, cliv, cl.vii Dorsey, Dr J. O., on manufacture of pot- tery by Omahas 187-188 studies of, in Amerindian symbol- ism 100 Dowling, Thomas, jr., acknowledgments to 16 Draper, Dr Lyman C, on Indian trade in maplesugar 33 Drawing knife, occurrence of, in Georgia mound 139 Dress, representation of, on effigy vases. Middle Mississippi Valley group 57 Drink, use of vessels to hold, In burial... 39,40 Drinking cups, ceremonial. Gulf Coast group 107,i,vil in imitation of conch shells. Middle Mississippi Valley group 94 See Domestic pottery. Druggist's mortar. See Mortar. Drums, pottery, use of, by American ab- origines 31-35 Drying, Eastern United States pottery.. 52 Catawba pottery 54,55 Cherokee pottery 56 Pawnee pottery 59 See Manufacture. Duck, representations of, Florida Penin- sula pottery 123,124,128, LXXXIX, XC, XCVI, C, CI v Gulf Coast pottery. 107,108,Lviii,ucviII See Bird. Dumont. See Butel-Dumont. Du Pratz, Le Page, on, Indian salt mak- ing 31 on pottery making by Louisiana In- dians. 57,102 on use of color by Natchez 63 on use of shell for tempering by Natchitoches 48 Durability, Potomac-Chesapeake ware . . 151 Duval county, Fla,, bowl from 123,LXXXIX INDEX 211 Eagle, representations of. Gulf Coast pot- tery iar,io8,n4,i.vii,Lxix Iroquoian pipes 174,cLVii Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 104, li See Bird. Ear disks, copper, clay cores for 43,141-142 Ear ornaments, American pottery 25,42,43 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83 shown by Ohio Valley flgurines 184 Ears of death's-head vases, modeling of. . 97, XXX-XXX II, XI.Il I Ears, Catawba method of adding to vases 54 Northwestern lottery 200 Early county, Ga. , prevalence of stamped ware in 135 thick-rimmed bowls from 112,113 Earrings. 5ee Ear disks; Ear ornaments. Earthworks in Maine, field study of x Ea.st, character of tobacco pipes of. _ 46,98 East Tennessee, lottery of 180-182 Eastern Shore, pottery of 157-158 Eastern United States, pottery of 3-201 Eating. See Domestic pottery. Eaton township. Pa., vessel from ... 166,cxlv Eccentric forms, Florida pottery 118, 119, 124, xcii-xcv, xcviii Gulf Coast pottery 105 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 93-94, vi.xviii, XL South Appalachian pottery 131 See Forms. Economics, discussion of Ixiv-lxxviii elements of Ixvii Editorial work xxiii Education as an agency of instruc- tion cxcvl Effigies, clay, use of, in burial, eastern United States 33 Effigy pipes, South Appalachian group. . 141, cxxvi Effigy vases, Middle Mississippi Valley group 87 See Life forms. Egypt, Lower Mississippi Valley ware re- sembling that of. _ 108, Li,i,lii Egyptians, similarity of Indian mortuary offerings to those of 40 Electric power, use of xliii Elvas, Knight of, on salt making by Amer- ican aborigines 28 Embellishment. See Decoration. Emotional language, evolution of cxl-cxliv Enamels, use of, by American potters 49 See Glaze. Endowment, use of wealth for. Ixxi English tools, occurrence of, in Georgia mound 139 See European. Engraving. See Decoration ; Incision ; Paddles; Stamps. Enumeration, development of language of clxix Environment, effect of, on potter's art-. 22-23, 24,145,146,150,159-160 Equality, principles of Ixxx-lxxxii Equity, principles of Ixxx Esthetic culture, evolution of cxxv value of pottery in st udy of 18, 19, 20 Esthetic influence on form and decorar tion, American pottery. 35,61,68,64-65 Florida Peninsiila pottery 127 Iroquoian pottery 162 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 85,100 Ohio Valley pottery 186 Esthetology, work in xii Ethics, classification of subject-matter of cxxxvii evolution of cxxvi-cxxxviii Ethnic determinations, value of study of technic in 48 See Peoples. Ethnology, descriptive work in xxiii Etowah mounds, Ga., earthenware fig- urines from 41 Etymology, definition of the science of. clili- clvii European goods, occurrence of, in Geor- gia mound 139 in graves with Irotjuoian pottery. 168 European maniifacture of pipes for Indi- an trade 173 Euroi>ean pipes, origin of form of 157-158 European pottery , apparent imitation of, by Middle Mississippi Valley potters 82 effect of introduction of, on native pottery making IfiO occurrence of, in Florida i>eninsula . . 120, 129-130 Everette, Willis E., field work by xi Everglades, present partial occupation of, by Seminoles 115 Evers, Edward, work on Middle Missis- sippi Valley pottery by 87 Evolution, human, value of pottery in sttidyof 18,19,80 techaic, light thrown on, by study of pottery manufacture 48 E wi Katalsta, pottery making by 56 Exchange, as an element of commerce. . . xlvi- xlvii Ebccision, pottery decoration by 66 See Decoration; Incision. Fabrics, association of, with pottery 192 resemblance of impression of, to rou- lette impressions. 190 to stamp impressions... 134 use of, in modeling and decorating, eastern United States pottery 28, 30,56,68,70,71-73 Florida Peninsula iwttery 118 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery. 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery ... 151 Iroquoian pottery 163 New Jersey-New England j>ottery 179 South Appalachian pottery 144 See Textiles; Net; Paddles; Roulette. Face, human, representations of, Ameri- can pottery 39-40,41 Middle MississippiValley pottery, 81-82, 97-98, XXIX -XXXII, XLIII See Man. 212 INDEX Families. See Peoples. Fancy. Influence of, on form, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery 85 play given to, in Florida mortuary pottery 130 in Iroquoian pipes 174 Farmington, Conn., pot from 178 Feasts, need of large vessels in prepara- tion of 60 Feathers, engraved representations of, South Appalachian pottery. ,. 140, CXIXjCXX use of brushes of, in pottery decora- tion, eastern United States .. . 67,86 Feet, eastern United States pottery, re- centnessof 62 Middle Missiasippi Valley pottery 93, XV-XVII Ohio Valley pottery 185, CLXIII See Bases; Legs. Fenton, Mo., occuiTeuce of salt-making vesselsnear 31 Fe wkes, J. Walter, fleld work by x-xi office work by xiii studies of, in Amerindian symbolism. 100 Fiber, use of, as temporing material, east- ernUnitedStatespottery. 46,117,121 use of brushes of, in pottery decora- tion 67 Field work, areas covered by ix detailed report of x-xl Figurines, eastern United States pottery. 41 Florida Peninsula pottery 119, 124,xcvi, xcvil Middle Mississippi Valley ix)ttery 83,99 Ohio Valley pottery 183,184 Potomac-Chesapeake group 156,157 Southern Appalachian pottery 131, 140, cxxii,cxxiii Filfot designs, stamped ware. Gulf coast group 108,109 South Appalachian group 134, 136-137, 140, CIV, c v, cvi, cxxi Fillets, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio pottery ...- 181 eastern United States pottery 66 Middle Atlantic Coast irottery 149 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 88,89 See Strips. Financial statement xxv Fine arts, origin and evolution of cxxxi- cxxxii Finger nails, use of, in finishing and deco- rating, eastern United States pottery 52,54,75,79 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 128, ex MiddleAtlantic Coast pottery. 149, 151, 154, cxxxi, cxxxii Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 83,86,88,89 Fingers, employment of, in modeling and finishing, eastern United States pottery .... 51 , 52, 65, 66, 73, 163 See Decoration; Manufacture; Model- ing. Finish, Cherokeeand Catawba pottery. .54,55,56 eastern United States pottery . . 46, .51 , 67-80 salt- making ves.sels 28 Florida Peninsula pottery 1 17, 121, 126 Gulf Coast pottery 105,106,111,113 Iroquoian pottery 161 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 148-149, 151,153-154,155 pipes 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84 New Jersey-New England pottery. 175-176, 177,179 Ohio VaUey pottery 185 Northwestern iwttery.. 188,196-197,198,199 South Appahichian pottery 133-136, 138 See Color; Cords; Decoration; Fab- rics; Finishing tools; Paddles; Polishing; Boulette; Stones; Tools; Washes. Finishing tools, clay, eastern United States 99, 100, xxxi v-xxxTI See Stones; Paddles; Roulette; Stamps. Fire, drying of pottery before, eastern United States 52,54,56 tempering of vessels to be used over 46 use of clay in protecting various uten- silsfrom 49 use of pottery over, eastern United States 25-27,11 Florida peninsula 121 Gulf coast 105 middle Atlantic coast 148^149 middle Mississippi valley 83, 89 Ohio valley 185 South Appalachian province 132 See Domestic pottery. Firing. See Baking. Fish, representation of, Florida Peninsula pottery.. 124,xcvil Gulf Coast pottery 108, lxvi Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 88, «, XXIII Flatiron, implements resembling. Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 99- 100, XXXI V, XXXV FlemingCounty,Ky.,occurrenceof earth- enware spools in 44 Fletcher, MLss A. C, studies of, in Amer- indian symbolism 100 Floor, influence of, on form of vessels 61,62 Florida, burial customs of 40, 106, 119-130 historic aborigines of 15,115,1 ofllce work on material from ix, xii pottery from 108-110, Lxi,i.xv-cxi textile finish in 68 thick-rimmed bowls found in 112-113 use of earthenware drums in 34 Florida Peninsula pottery, character of . 22 decoration of, in color 67 examples of 120-130, Lxxx i v-cxi forms of-. 118 manufacture of 117-118 materials used in making 117 northward extension of 130 INDEX 213 Florida Peninsula pottery, occurrence of pottery resembling. Gulf Coast province 108,109,110-111,112 occ«n*ence of decoration resembling that of. New Jersey-New Eng- land area 176,177-178 pipes... 99, 139, 141, CXI range of 115,116-117 stamped ware, characteristics of 136 uses of 118-120 • westward extension of 104 Flowers, representations of, mortuary pottery , Florida peninsula 124, XCIII.XCIV Folklore, definition of science of cxciii Food, use of pottery in preparing, carry- ing, storing, etc., eastern United States 25-27,39,83 See Domestic pottery. Food supply, influence of, on distribution ofpottery 28 on development potter|s art 22-23, 150. . Force's Historical Tracts, citation from, on New England pots 179 Forehead of death's-head vases, perfo- rated knob on. 98, xxix-xxxi,xijn Form of vessels, origin of 49 Forms, eastern United States pottery 61-63 cooking vessels 25,27 methods of giving 49-51 modeling implements 35-36 mortuary vessels 40-42 pipes 45 ornaments 42 salt-making vessels 28 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 119,121, 134,127, Lxxxix, XCI-XCVII, C, CI, CVII Gulf Coast pottery 105,108,111,112, LIT, liXVl-LXVIII, LXX, LXXVIII, LXXIX-LXXJX B Iroquoian pottery 160-161,162,163 pipes 174-175, CLiv-ci.vn Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 145, 14*, 149-150, 151, 153, 155, cxxx, cxxxvii, CXLI pipes 150, 151,156,158,cxiJi Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83, 85-86, 87, V- VII bottles 98, V, vii, XVII eccentric and compound... 93-94, xviii life 94-97,xix-xxx platters, cups, and bowls 88 pipes 98,99,xxxm New Jersey-New England pottery ... 175, 178, CLVIII Northwestern pottery 187, 192, 196, 199, 200, CLX VIII-CLXX Ohio Valley pottery 184-185, OLXIII South Appalachian pottery 131, 132, 138, 140, cxv, ex VII, cxvm, cxxi, cxxii pipes 140-141, cxxiv-cxx VI southern and northern pottery 145,187 See Bases; Shaping. Forms, production of xxxvi-xxxix Fort Ancient, Ohio, fragments of pottery from 184,CLXn Fort Stevenson, N. Dak., pottery from. . 198, CLXXV ForfWadsworth,N. Dak., pottery from 200-201 Foster, J. W., illustrations from 191 Fowke, Gerard, on absence of pottery in mound near Luray , Va 150 on earthenware spools 43-44 Fracture, New Jersey - New England pottery 175 Fragments of pottery, use of, in biirial, Florida peninsula 119 Franklin county, Fla.. pottery of 110-113, 127, LXXVIII, LXXVIIIA, ov Franklin county. Miss. , bottle from . . . 106, i^vi Free Museum of Science and Art, Phila- delphia, acknowledgments to. 16 French, B. F., citation from Historical Collections of Louisiana of 34 French, learning of Indian art of sugar making by 32 practice of potter's art by Iroquoian tribes at coming of 160 trade of , with Indians, in salt 31 Fret, abeenceof, Iroquoian pottery 168 See Decoration. Frey, S. L., pottery collected by. 167 Frieze. See Rim. Frog, representation of. Gulf Coast pot- tery 107,109, 110, 114, LVI, lOCXIII, LXXV, liXXXI Middle Mississippi Valleypottery. 92, 95, XIV, XXIII Frowning as a sign of disapproval cxlii Fruit forms, eastern United States pot^ tery a%63 Florida Peninsula pottery 118 124,127,128,xcviii Middle Mississippi Valleypottery. 94-95,xix Fruit shells, preceramic use of, for ves- sels, by American aborigines . . 25 suggestion of ornamental features by. 64 use of clay in protecting from fire 49 Function. See Uses. Funeral offerings. See Mortuary pot- tery; Toy-like objects. Furnaces. See Kilns. Gaines, A. S., thick -rimmed bowls in col- lection of 112-113 Gainesville, Fla., fragment of vase from near Ill Galbraith, , pottery collected by 166 Galtneys, pottery labeled... 1 108,108 Games, resemblance of spindle whorls to pottery used in 33 use of pottery in, eastern United States 25,43 Iroquoian province 170 middle Mississippi valley 83 South Appalachian province. 131,141-143 Gaspeian Indians, defeat of, by Iroquois. . . 167 Gatschet, A. S., field work by xi office work by xx-xxl Gens, definition of civ Gentile tribes, government of ci v-cxl religion of cix 214 INDEX Geographic distribution of peoples, value of pottery ill study of -.-- 18,19,21-22 Geographic grouping of eastern United States pottery --- 21-23 Georgia, character of pottery of 147 Cherokee share in manufacture of pottery of -- 148-144 • decoration in color of pottery of 67 Delaware valley decoration resem- bling that of 177-178 intermingling of wares in 137-139 mortuary customs in 106,120 occurrence of human heads stamped on copper in _ 138 occurrence of Middle Mississippi Val- ley pottery in 80-81 occurrence of stamped ware through- out 135 pipes of 99 pottery of 38, 41, 106, 112, 131, 136, 137, 140, LV, CXVI, CXVII, CXXI-CXXIII resemblance of Northwestern pottery to that of 189 tribes formerly occupying 142 Gesture language, evolution of clxiv-clxv Ghost theory, fallacies at foundation of --- cxxvii nature and origin of clxxii r61e of, in development of ethics. . . cxxvii- cxxvili Ghosts, diseases attributed to evi widespread belief in clxxii Gill, DeLancey, acknowledgments to 17 ■Glass beads, occurrence of, in association with New England pottery. . . 179 Glassware, occurrence of, Florida penin- sula 130 ■Glaze, absence of, eastern United States pottery 49,52,59,60,84,195 pottery showing, Florida peninsula- 129-130 ■Gneiss, crushed, use of, as tempering ma- terial. Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 151 Ooblet-shaped vases, Florida peninsula.. 126, 127, CTI Goodland point, Florida, occurrence of pottery animal heads at 128 Goods, classification of xUv Goose, representations of. Gulf Coast pot- tery : 110 See Bird. Government, classification of depart- ments of Ixxxiv constitutive department of. Ixxxiv-lxxxvi executive department of Ixxx vii judicative department of. Ixxxvill-lxxxix legislative department of Ixxxvi operative department of... lxxxvi-lxxx"vii reasons for establishment of Ixxix representative, principles of . . cxxii-cxxiv Goss, Weston, vessel obtained by 166, CXLV Gouges, use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery 52 Gtonrd forms, eastern United States pot- tery 35 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 124,127,128,xovin Gourd forms. Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 94-95,xix Gourds, use of, for rattles, by southern Indians 34 in pottery making, eastern United States 50,51,54,58 Grain of wood, possibility that use of carved paddles was suggested by 123 Grammar, development of cxlix-cliii Grajjevines, use of, in suspending vessels. 58 Grass, use of. as tempering material, Florida Peninsula pottery 117 Gravel, mixture of, with clay, for use as plaster and cement.. 37 Graves, character and preservation of pottery found in. Middle Mis- sissippi valley 82 See Burial: Occurrence; Mortuary pot- tery. Great Lakes region, character of pottery of 32-23,146-147 occupation of , by Iroquois 159 pottery of 187-198 relations of 147 Great Salt lake basin, pottery of 194,201 Green river valley, pottery of 194 Griddle designs, Florida Peninsula stamped ware 127, cix See Checker designs. Grief, weeping as an expression of., cxli-cxlii Grinding devices, development of xv Grinnell, George Bird, on Pawnee pottery making... 58-59,195 Grosventre Indians, modern pottery making by 195 pottery of 198 Grotesque forms. East Tennessee pottery, absence of. 180 Iroquoian pottery, rarity of 174 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 86, 87, 95, VI, XX, XXII, XXV Groups of aboriginal American pottery. . 20 of eastern United States pottery 21-23 Guadeloupe island designs, resemblance of South Apjialachian designs to 135 Guatemala, character pottery of.. 20 Guest, W. E., paper on Iroquoian pottery by 170 Guilloche, presence of life idea in 113 use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery 67 Florida Peninsula iwttery LXXXVIII, CIV Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery ... 86, XVII, XXXVII, XXXVIII Ohio Valley pottery 186, CLXII.CLXV in stamp designs. South Appala- chian pottery 137, cxiv, CXVII See Decoration. Gulf coast, burial customs of 120 European pottery from 130 occurrence of stamped ware on 135 pottery of 104-114, liv-lxxxih area covered by 21,130 INDEX 215 Gulf coast pottery , character of 20, 22-23 decoi-ation of, in color 67 form common in 95 occurrence of features of, in East Tennessee 180 occurrence of pottery resembling. South Appalachian province 138, 140, U4 pipes 45, 108,LXiv resemblance of Lower Mississippi Valley pottery to 101,104 resemblance of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery to 81 textile finish in 68 Gulf coast tribes, inland extension of . . 107-108 Habitat of peoples, value of pottery in study of 18,19,21-22 Hair, methods of wearing, shown by Ohio Valley figurines 184 representation of, in death^s head vases 98 use of brushes of, in pottery decora- tion 67,86 Hale, Edward Everett, Natick dictionary obtained throQgh xii Hale, Horatio, exploration of Iroquoian province by 188 Hales point, Tenn., earthen burial casket from 38 Hamilton, H. P., acknowledgments to . . . 17 pottery collected by . . 195, clxxii-clxxiv Hand, decorations representing, Apala- chee-Ohio pottery 180 use of, in modeling and finishing, eastern United States pot- tery 50,51,54,68,73 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 84 See Decoration; Manufacture; Modeling. Handles, Apalachee-Ohio pottery .. 180,181,182 Catawba method of adding 54 eastern United States pottery, method of modeling 51 Florida Peninsula pottery 127,128,cx rarity of 118 Gulf Coast pottery.. 105,106,1,iv,lxii,lxx Iroquoian province, rarity of 162 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 88, 89, 90, 94, vi-vin, XI, XII, XVIII, XX-XXVIl Ohio Valley pottery.. 184-185, clxiii,clxiv Northwestern pottery 198, 199,200, CLXXV, CLXXVI Piedmont Virginia pottery. 149,lS0,cxxxiii Potomac-Chesapeake province, ab- senceof 151 nodes resembling J57 South Appalachian pottery 144, cxxix Harden, William, gift of vases to Bureau of Ethnology by 138 Harlot, Thomas, illustration of pipe and tobacco pouch from 158 illustration of vme of earthen pot in boiling from 28 on preparation of family food 138,11 Harlot, Thomas, tattoo designs from, Po- tomac-Chesapeake province... 151, cxxxv Harpers Perry, Md., ware of ISO Harper's Magazine, illustration of Ver- montpotteryin 169 Harrison, exploration of Iroquoian prov- ince by _ 159 Hatch. See Checker. Hatcher, J. B., collections made by xxiv field work by xi Hawk, representations of, Iroquoian pipes - 174 See Bird. Hawley, Pa., vessel from 166, CXLV Hayden, F. V., on Pawnee villages along Missouri river , _ 200 pottery collected by 199-200, CLXXVn Hazen, W. B., pottery collected by 198, CLXXVI Headdresses shown by Ohio Valley figu- rines 1B4 Heads,animal,FloridaPeninsulai)ottery. 128 Gulf Coast pottery 107,LXVHI Iroquoian pottery 174, CLV, CLvn Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 87, 88, ^^, xxiii, XXV, xlvi-i. South Appalachian pottery 137, 141,cxxv,cxxvi bird, Florida Peninsula pottery 123, 128, Lxxxix Gulf Coast pottery. 108, 107, 108, 114, LVI, LVIII, LIX, LXVIII, LXXIV, LXXIX Iroquoian pottery 174,CLVH Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 88, 95, VI, xx-xxn, XLVii-ii human, Gulf Coast pottery 107, LIX Iroquoian pottery 163, 172, 174, CXLIV, CXLVI, CXLIX, CLII, CLIII, CLIV, CLVII MiddleMlssissippiValleypottery. 87, 88, 96-98, V, vn, XXVI, XXVII,XXIX-XXXII,XLIII-L Ohio Valley pottery 185 South Appalachian pottery 138, 140, XVIII, cxix, cxxii, cxxiii See Animal; Bird; Life; Man. Heating. See Domestic pottery^ Heat power, use of xlill Hemp, Indian use of 33 Henderson, J. G., i)ottery collected by.. . 188, CLXVI-CLXVIII Henshaw, H. W., article on maple sugar maklngby 33 Herring-bone designs, Delaware Valley pottery ]77,CLViii Ohio Valley pottery 185,CLxv Northwestern pottery CLXXVii See Decoration. Hevritt, J. N. B., field work by xl ofiice work by xi,xxl Higday , , pottery collected by 191 Hilder, F. F., oflice workby xxlil Hill, E. H., pottery collected by 133, cxu Hingham, Mass., pottery from 168, 179, OLX Histories, definition of icl History .value of pottery in study of. 18, 19, 21-22 importance of study of ornament in . . 64 216 INDEX Hochelaga, Iroquoian pottery from site of 170 Hodge, F. W., office work by xxiii Holmes, W. H. Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United States 1-201, II-CLXXVII earlier papers on American pottery by -- 64,87,94 collections made by xxiv field work by _. - x oflSce work by xvi Hopewell monnds, Ohio, builders of 194 origin of obsidian implements of 194 pottery from 19B,CLXX]i Hopi Indians, researches concerning win- ter ceremonies of x-xi Horizon circle, representation of 100 Horn, Indian manufacture of vessels and pipes of .- 25,172 Hot Springs, manufacture of salt near, by Indians 28 Hourglass, objects resembling, Florida mortuary pottery 124, xcv House sites, occurrence of pottery on 23 See Occurrence. Houses, use of clay implements in build- ing, eastern United States 35 use of clay in building, eastern United States - 37 Hudson bay, extension of Iroquois influ- ence to 158-159 Hudson collection of basketry, acquisition of - X study of xvi-xvil Human. See Head; Man. Humpback. See Hunchback. Hunchback figures. East Tennessee, ab- sence of 180 Gulf Coast pottery 108,Lxviii Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 87, 96, XXVI, XLV Hunter, H. C, acknowledgements to 17 Hunter, John D, on Osage pottery mak- ing - 58 on Osage sugar making ._ _ 33 on use of baskets as molds, eastern United States 69 on use of wooden molds, eastern United States... 71 Huntingtens, finding of fiber-temi)ered wareat 122 Idaho, office work on material from ix Idealism, nature and origin of clxxxv- clxxxviil Ideogi-aphy. See Symbolism. Illinois, abundance of pottery in parts of. 80 ceramic complications in 146 character of pottery of 186 occurrence of salt-making vessels in. 28, 186 pottery of 188, 192, 193, 194, CLXvi-CLX vm, clxx resemblance of Upper Missouri Valley pottery to that of.. 201 Illustrations, source of 16 Images. See Figurines. Imagination. See Fancy. Implements. See Modeling tools; Tools. Imputation, definition of li,clxxiii Imputation, origin of practice of li-liv Incision, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 181 eastern United States pottery 65, 56,65,66 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 121-128, Lxxxix, xo, cv, cvi, ex GuU Coast pottery 106- 114, LXVI, LXXIII, LXXIV, LXXVI, 1,XXV11I,1,XXIX,L.XXXI1,I,XXXII1 Iroquoian pottery 160,161, 163-164, 166-167, 171-172, cxLix-CLII Lower Mississippi Valley pottery. 103- 104, plates Middle Atlantic Coast pottei-y 148, 151,cxxxil MiddleMl8.sissippiVaUeypottory. 86, 88-92, 97-98, 100, plates New Jersey-New England pot- tery 177,179, plates Northwestern pottery 189, 197, 199, CLX VIII Ohio Valley pottery 185, plates South Appalachian pottery 138, 139, 140, 144, cxx, cxx I, cxxix imitation of textile impressions by . . . 79, 80 tools used for 52,66 See Paddles; Stamps. Incorporation, physical and social, diflPer- encesbetween Ixvi Indenting, decoration by, Florida Penin- sula pottery.. 118,122,126,127,CI-CIV Iroquoian pottery 163, 164 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 149, 151,155,cxxxi Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 88 New Jersey-New England pot- tery 176, 177, 178, 179, CLIX Northwestern iK)ttery 189, 193, 199, CLX VIII tools used for 52 See Decoration; Paddles; Punch; Punctures; Stamps. Indiana, ceramic complications in 146 character of pottery of 186 occurrence of salt-making vessels in . 28 pottery of 96, 188, 191, xxviii Indian Congress, Omaha exposition, in- stallation and conduct of xl plan for xvi Indian physiognomy, absence of, in death's head vases 97 Indian Territory, field work in ix,xl office work on material from Ix Indian tribes, cyclopedia of , work on xxiv Individuality in pottery 18, 19, 21, 22 Industrial culture, evolution of cxxv Industrial uses of pottery among Ameri- can aborigines. . . 24-25 See Domestic uses; Modeling tools; Tools; Uses. Industries, classification of xxxi Industry, definition of xxlx Inheritance, influence of, on form of pot- tery 61-62 Inlaying, pottery decoration by, eastern United States..,.. 52,67 INDEX 217 Inlaying, pottery decoration by, South Appalachian province 131 Intaglio ornamentation, eastern United States 52,66,88 See Cords; Fabrics; Fingei's; Finger nails; Incision: Indenting; Paddles; Punctures; Stamps; Stipple: Textiles; Trailing. Institution, definition of term lix Instruction, characterization of agencies of _ _ cxcv-cxcvii subject-matter of ., clxxi-clxxii International Congress of Anthropology, 1893, papers by F. H. Gushing inMemoirsof 15&-161 Investing corporations, purposes of Ixxiii Investment, use of capital for Ixx Iowa, character of pottery of 186 office work on material from ix pottery of 188, 192, 193, CLXXI, ci Jcx v Ipewich, Mass., occurrence of Iroqnoian pottery at 168 Iron oxides, use of, as paints, by eastern United States potters 86 Iron pyrite, use of, as tempering mate- rial, eastern United States pot- tery 48 Iron tools, occurrence of, in Georgia mound 139 Iron vessels, substitution of, for pottery, eastern United States. 58 Iroquoian material, linguistic and mytho- logic, study of xx Iroquoian tribes 159 creation mythsof, work on xxi manufacture of pottery by 160 partial occupation of South Api)a- lachian province by 131 representation of, in South Appa- lachian jpottery 142 study of language and myths of xi See Cherokee; Iroquois. Iroquoian pottery, area covered by 21 blending of, with Algonquian, New Jersey-New England region.. 175 chronology of i 162 color of 162 decoration of 162-164, 168, CXLIX-CLII distribution of 160, iv examples of 164-175, CXLIII-CLVI form of 162 general characters of - 159-161 materials and manufacture of 161 occurrence of, in West Virginia 150 on tributaries of Ohio 183 pipes 45,172-175, CLiv-CLVII reported occurrence of, in Alabama. . 105 resemblance of Middle Atlantic Coast pottery to 149,157 resemblance of New Jersey-New Eng- land pottery to 176, 179 resemblance of Northwestern pottery to 196, 197,198 size of 162 uses of -- 162 Iroqnoian province, exotics in 167,cxi.vii pottery of 158-175, CXLIII-CLVII Iroquois, habitat of 159-160, 167-188 high rank of, as pipe makers 172 league of the 158-159 Iroquoian tribes not connected with 165 union of Tuscaroras with 143 vases from land sold to Susquehanna company by 166, OXLVI See Iroquoian. Jackson county, N. C, Cherokee use of clay from 53 James river valley, character of pottery of 148,149 occurrence of Southwestern ware in. 148 Jefferson county. Mo., pottery from 89 Jones, C. C, acknowiedgnients to 16 on pottery decoration by inlaying 67 on South Appalachian burial pottery. 133 on South Appalachian decoration 131 Jones, Joseph, on sacrificial basin in Ten- nessee 36 on use of trowel-like implements 36 work on Middle Mississippi Valley potteryby 87 Jonesmound,N. C, modem vesselsfrom. 144 Journal of American Folklore, paper in, on survivals of ancient Indian symbolism __ 101 Joutel, Henri, on Indian sugar making ., 31 on pottei-y drums of southern In- dians 34 Justice, corporations for advancement of Ixxvl elements of Ixxix principles of Ixxix-lxxxlv Kalm, Peter, on pottery making in east- ern United States 59-60 Kansas City Review, article on salt-mak- ingpotteryin 81 Eat&lsta, a Cherokee potter 56 Eat&lsta, E wi, a Cherokee potter 56 Kellog, D. S., vessel obtained by. . . 167, CXLVII Kennebec river, abundance of pottery on 173 Kent Scientific Institute, lobed vases ownedby _ 192 Kentucky, abundance of pottery in parts of 80 eastern, character of pottery of 149 extension of Miami Valley ware into. 184 occurrence of earthenware spools in. 44 pottery of 43, 44, 98, xxxi v Kern, John, vessel obtained by 166,CXLV Kilns, reported occurrence of, eastern United States 54 middle Mississippi valley . 84 South Appalachian province 131 Kimmswlck, Mo., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels at . 28,29 King William county, Va., modern pot- teryof 152 Kinney, Thomas W., photographs of earthenware spools furnished by 44 Kiowa Indians, aid by, in Indian con- gress xi tribal castomsof , xix 218 INDEX Kitchen midden sites, varieties of ware found on, Gulf Coast group . . 104 See Occurrence. Kiva worship, ceremonies of cix control of - clx Knife, metal, occurrence of, in Georgia mound --- 13® use of, in carving stamp-paddles, east- ern United States - 134 in pottery making, eastern United States - M,56 Knox county, Ind., occurrence of salt- making vessels in . _ 28 Knox county, Tenn., occurrence of salt- making vessels in - 38,31 Knoxville, Tenn., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels near - 28 Labrets, clay, occurrence of, eastern UnitedStates - 25,43,83 Ladd, G. T., on reality clxxxviii Ladles, Gulf Coast group -..- 108,109,110,1-xxi Lafltau, J. F., illustrations of uses of earthen vessels from 26,32 on earthenware drums among Iro- quois . 34 on Indian sugar making 32-33 Laldlaw brothers, Iroquoian pottery col- lected by.. 1"0 Lake Champlain, occurrence of Iroquolan pottery near 168 Lake Erie region, Iroquoian occupation of 169 occurrence of Iroquoian pottery In . . 171 Lake George, occurrence of Iroquoian potterynear 168 Lake Huron region, Iroquoian occui)a- tlonof 169 Iroquoian pottery from 1"1,cxlviit pipes of - 1"3 Lake Michigan region, pottery from 196, CLXXII, CLXXITI resemblance of Canadian pottery to that of m resemblance of Piedmont Virginia ware to 149-150 Lake Nipigon, pottery from 197-198 Lake Ontario region, Iroquoian occupa- tion of 159,169 Lake township. Pa., vessel from 166,cxi,v Lake Washington, Miss., publication oT illustrations of pottery from . 103 Lamps, absence of. Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 82 Lancaster, Pa., massacre of Conestogas at 185 Language, emotional, evolution of. . cxl-cxliv gesture, evolution of... clxiv-clxv logistic, evolution of clxix-clxx oral, evolution of cxliv-clxiv written, evolution of clx v-clxix Languages, evolution and integration of clxlii-clxiv Laporte, Ind., pottery from 191 Lathe. See Wheel. Law, definition of I'x Lawson, John, on pipe making in the Car- olinas 1*0 on use of earthen drums by Carolina Indians 35 Leclercq, Christian, on Iroquoian occu- pation of New England 167 Legs, eastern United States pottery, man- ner of modeling 51 recentness of 62 Iroquoian province, absence of 162 Middle Atlantic province, absence of... .— 145,151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 93, VI, XVI, XVII, XX, XXII, XXV See Bases. Lenoircounty, N. C, pottery from, show- ing fabric impressions 70, 72-73 Lenoir mounds, Caldwell county, N. C, mingling of wares in 147 pottery from 144,oxxix Le Page du Pratz. See Du Pratz. Lewis county, Ky., occurrence of earth- enware spools in 44 Lexicology, deilnitionof cxlviil differentiation of, from other sciences of language cxlviil elements of cxlviii-cxlix Liberty, nature of Ixxxii-lxxxiii Liberty county, Ga., burial vase from. . . 133 Library, plan for work of xxiii Life forms and designs, eastern United States pottery 39^1, 62-63,64-66 conventionalization of 114, LXXX-LXXXIII pil>es *5 rarity of , on painted ware 67 symbolism of 65,100 Florida Peninsula pottery 118,124,126 Gulf Coast pottery 106, 113-114, LXXX-LXXXIII Iroquoian pottery 168,162-163 manner of introduction of 172 Iroquoian pipes 174, clii-clvii Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 104 Middle Mississippi Valley group 90-91, 94-98, v-vii, xix-xxii, xxix-L northern pottery, rarity of 145, 187 Northwestern pottery 193, 194, 198, CLXIX,CLXXV rarity of 187 Ohio Valley pottery... 186 See Animal; Bird; Man; Plant; Shell. Linn wood, Cherokee use of, in firing 56 Lip plugs. See Labrets. Lips. See Eims. Literature, transmutation of society by. cxxl Little Blue river, occurrence of remains of Pawnee villages on 200 Little Miami river, ware of 184-186, CXLII-CXLIV Little Bock, Ark., bottles from 90 Lizard, modeled figure possibly repre- 8enting,MlamiVaUeypottery. 185, CLXIII Lobed figures, significance of 100 Lobed vases. Northwestern group 191-192, CLXX Lockport, N. y., Indian trade in maple sugar at. 33 Logistic language, evolution of clxix-clxx Long, M. C, pottery from collection of 88,x INDEX 219 Long island. N. Y., character of ware of. 178 Loudon county, Tenn.. veasel from 181 LouLsiana. ix>ttery making by Indians of. 56,57 pottery of 103, 103, Li, LH Louisiana State Seminary, Lower Mis.siB- sippi Valley ware in collection of .' 102,108 Loup fork, occurrence of remains of Pawnee villages on 200 pottery making in villages on 58 Low, C. F., archeological i)aper by 184 Lower Mississippi valley, form common in 95,xx occurrence of lottery resembling thatof, iuFlorida 116 occurrence of pottery resembling that of , in Georgia 138 pottery of 81,101-104 Lozenfires, use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery 67,86 Luray,Va., pottery from 150,cxxxrv Luzerne county, Pa., pottery from.. 166, CXLV Mc Adams, 'William, on salt-making ves- sels 31 McBride, — , Miami Valley pottery col- lected by 184 Macedonia Church, use of clay from, by Cherokee potters 56 McGtee, W J, acknowledgments to 17 collections made by xxiv field work by x office work by xiv, xvl.xvii-xix.ixii McGnire, J. D., work on American pipes by 45,99 Mcintosh county, Ga., bowl from 139, cxx Mackinaw region, manufacture of maple sugar by Indians of 33 McPherson, John, Canadian pottery col- lected by 171 Hadlsonville, Ohio, occurrence of handled potsat _ 182 Madisonville Literary and Historical So- ciety, collections of pottery by 184 pottery from 184,185,ci,xni Magic, smoking in practice of 44 Maine, field work in ._ ix,x occurrence of exotic types of decora- tion in iwttery of 176,188 pottery of 146,179 Malleating, tools used in 73,135-136 use of textiles In 50,71,72,73 See Cords; Fabrics; Paddles; Roulette; Stamps; Textiles. Maltese cross, employment of, in decora- tion. Northwestern pottery... 192 Mammals. See Animal; Man. Man, representations of, eastern United States pottery 39,40,41,63,65,67 significance of 100 Florida Peninsula pottery 118 Gulf Coast pottery 107, 108, L,JX, LXVIII, LXXIXA Iroquoian pottery... 161,163,165,166,172, CXLIV, CXLVI, CXLIX, CLII, CLIII pipes 174, CLiv, cLvii Middle Atlantic Coast pottery.. 156,157 Man, representations of. Middle Missis- sippi Valley pottery 81-82, 83, 87, 88, 91 , 93, 95-98, 99, v, VII, XXVI-XXXII, XLIII-L pipes 99 Ohio Valley pottery 185 South Appalachian pottery 138, 140,cxviii,oxix, cxxn,cx.xiii value of pottery and other objects of art in study of 18-19,20 Mandan Indians, modern pottery making by 58,195 pottery of 187, 197-199, CLXXV resemblance of Pawnee pottery to thatof 200 Mano, development of xv Manufacture, Cherokee and Catawba pot- tery 53-86 eastern United States pottery 48-61 implements used in 85-36, 73-77,135-136,190 methods of study of 20-21 use of textiles in 67-77 Florida pottery _ 117-118 infiuence of, on forms of pottery 62 influence of, on ornament of pot- tery 64-65 Iroquoian pottery 161 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83-84 Pamunkey pottery. 153 See Baking; Decoration; Kilns; Model- ing: Paddles: Roulette: Stamps; Tools. Maple sugar. See Sugar. Marblehead, Mass., pottery from 179, CLX Margins. See Rims. Maryland, occurrence of Iroquoian pot- tery in 164 relation of pottery of Northwest to thatof 194 resemblance of Delaware Valley pot- terytothatof 177 pottery from cxxxvii.cxxxix upper, scarcity of pottery from 157 See Middle Atlantic; Potomac-Chesa- peake. Masks. See Death's head vases. Mason, O. T., on Pamunkey pottery mak- ing 1.52 Mason county, Ky., occurrence of earth- enware spools in 44 Massachusetts, occurrence of Iroquoian potteryin 168 pottery of 146, 178-179, CLX Materialism, nature and origin of... clxxxvi- clxxxviii Materials, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 180,181 eastern United States pottery 4.5-4fi, 53,55,57,59 salt-making vessels 29 Florida Peninsula iwttery 117,121,124 Gulf Coast pottery 106,108,111,113 influence of, on form of vessels 62 influence of supply of, on develop- ment of arts : 22,23 Iroquoian pottery - 161,165 pipes 173 220 INDEX Materials, Middle Atlantic Coast pot- tery 148, 151, 153, 153, 155, 157, 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery -.. 83-84, 89,97,99 New Jersey-New England pottery. . . 175, 177,179 Northwestern pottery 188, 193,196,198,199,300,201 South Appalachian pottery. 131,132,133,138 pipes 141 southern and northern ix>ttery 187 See Clay; Mica; Rock; Sand; Shell; Siliceous tempering; Steatite. Mathematics, development of science of. clxx Mats, textile impressions left by 69 Matthews, Dr "Washington, i>ottery ob- tained by 198,CLXXV Maximilian. See Wied, Prince of. MaysviUe, Ky., spool-shaped pottery ob- jects from - 43-44 Meander, presence of life idea in 113 rectilinear linked, absence of, Middle Mississippi Valley pott«ry 86 use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery 67 Florida Peninsula pottery... Lxxxvn, CIV Gulf Coast pottery 106, LTV, LXVII, LXXXII Iroquoian lottery 163,168, ex Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 86,100, xxxvii Ohio Valley pottery 185,clxv See Decoration; Scroll; Guilloche. Measure, units of Ixi-lxii Mechanical devices, utilization of xl-xli See Manufacture; TooLs; Wheel. Mechanics, principles of xl-xliii Medallion-like ornaments, Iroquoian pot- tery . - 163 Medicine, emancipation of, from religion, li fundamental control of xlix-1 history of. - 1-lvii use of pottery in, by American abo- rigines 2q Medicine men, ceremonies performed by, for discovery of remedies liv-lv Mediterranean pottery, character of 19 symmetry of 85 Men, making of pipes by, Iroquoian prov- ince 163 See Man. Mercer, H. C, on occupations of Delaware valley 178 lottery gathered by. 177-178 Mercer, W. A., assigned as officer in charge of Indian congress at Omaha xvi Merchandising, elements of xlvi-xlvii Metal, Cherokee use of implements of, in pottery making .-. 56 early introduction of vessels of, in eastern United States 82,173 occurrence of articles of, in Florida mounds 120 Metaphysic, definition of clxxxv nature and origin of _ cxcii Metat«, development of ;., xv Mexican characters, absence of, in pot- tery of Hopewell mounds 194 suggestions of, in Gulf Coast pottery. 113 Mexican National Museum, collection of Mexican pottery in 20 Mexico, absence of characteristic deco- rative designs of, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery 86 chai*acter of pottery of ,.- 20 collections from __ xxiv evidence that stamp decoration is not derived from 122-123 figurines resembling those of. South Appalachian group 41» 140, CXXII, CXXIII functional scope of pottery of 24 migration of art features from 81 office work on material from xxii possible borrowing of Mississippi Val- ley color decoration from peo- ples of - 58 possible influence of distance from, on pottery ._ _. 145 probable contact of northern peoples with nations of 42 range of form of pottery of. 85 resemblance of Lower Mississippi Valley pottery to that of ... 102,104 use of earthenware whistles and rat- tles in 35 terra-cotta head from, resembling death's head vases of the Mid- dle Mississippi Valley group.. 98 Mexico, Gulf of. See Gulf. Miami Valley pottery 184-186, cxlii-cxltv probable gradation of East Tennessee pottery into 188 Mica, use of, as tempering material, east- em United States pottery 48 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 84 Gulf Coast pottery Ill South Appalachian pottery 138 use of, in inlaying, eastern United States pottery 52 iS e Materials. Michigan, character of pottery of 23 pottery of 188, 191-192, 193, clxix Midden sites, occurrence of pottery on, Florida Peninsula 120-122 Northern and Middle Atlantic States - 151,175 See Occurrence. Middle Atlantic province, extent of 147 pottery of 145-158, cxxx-cxiiH occurrence of pottery resembling that of, in South Appalachian prov- ince 133,137,144 relationship of pottery of, to Maine pottery 179 to Northwestern pottery 194 See Potomac-Chesapeake. Middle Mississippi Valley, extension of textile- marked ware into 195 moistness of soil of__ - 82 occurrence of death's head vases in.. 3i>-40i 96-98 INDEX 221 Middle Mississippi valley, occurrence of engrravings of the human head on shell in 138 occurrenceof salt-making vesselsin.. 28 occurrence of trowel-like implements ofcUyin 35,99-100 physiognomy of potters of 82 pottery of 80-101 recent practice of potter's art In 82 See Mississippi valley. Middle Mississippi Valley pottery, area covered by 21,130 chronology of 82 color of 84-85 collections of 80 culture stage of makers of 82-83 decoration of 86, 100-101, xxxvii-XL,i:i distinguishing characters of 88 examples of 87-101, ill, v-L finish of 84 formsof 85-86,87 geographic distribution of 80-81 material and manufacture of 83-84 occurrence of pottery resembling, in Ohio 184 peoples concerned In..:..'...'; 81-84,148 pipes 48,08-96, XXXIII preservation of__ 82 resemblance of Gulf Coast pottery to 104,108 resemblance of Lower Mississippi Val- ley pottery to 101,104 resemblance of Missouri Valley pot- tery to 194,199 sources of information concerning. . 87 usesot 83 Migrations, value of pottery in study of . . 18, 19,21-22 Milledgeville, Ga., pottery from mound near 133,137,cxii,cxvii Mills for grinding, development of xv Mindemoya island, Iroered ware in 122 Miiller, Max, on qualities and properties, clviil Muscular power, use of xlii Music, primitive, religious motive of cxxx Museo Nacional, Mexico, terra cotta heads in 98 Mush, dried, occurrence of, in Mandan vessel ... 199 Mushroom-shaped objects. See Stopper- like objects; Tools. Musical instruments, pottery, eastern United States 34-35 Muskhogean peoples, connection of, with Florida pottery. 115 with Gulf Coast pottery 105 INDEX 223 Unskhogean peoples, connection of. with Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tery 102 with South Appalachian pottery 142, 143 occupation of South Appalachian province by 180 pottery made by 139 pottery probably made by 81,131,138 Mycene, Lower Mississippi Valley pottery resembling tliat of 108,103 Mythology, burial practices connected with, Florida peninsula 119,125 influence of, on form and decoration of potteiT 85,91,100-101 nature and origin of clxxiii-clxxxiv See Religion. Myths, defense of clxxvii-clxxxiv Nails, iron, occurrence of, in Qeorgia mound 139 See Finger nails. Nantucket, Mass., vase from 179 Naples, HI., iwttery from 188-189, CLXVI-CLXVm resemblance of pottery of, to that of the upper Missouri valley 201 Nashville, Tenu., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels near 28,30,186 pottery from near 28,85,41,100,101,106 Natchez Indians, artistic statusof 102 connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 102 with Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 81 use of color by. _ 63 Natchitoches, use of shell as tempering materialby 4g Natick dictionary, work on xxi National Museum, acknowledgments to 16 acknowledgments to members of 17 publication on pipes by 46 Nations, organization of xc-xd, xoii Nebraska, characteristics of pottery of. . 146 field work in ix oflice work on material from ix pottery from 199-200, cucxvii Necks, eastei-n United States pottery, de- velopmentof 62 Gulf Coast pottery 105, 108,LIV,LXI1I,LXX Iroquoian pottery igi Middle Mississippi VaUey pottery 90-93, V-V1I,XI,XIII-XV1I New Jersey-New England pottery ... 175 Northwestern pottery 196 Ohio Valley pottery 185,CIjXII,ci:iXiii Piedmont Virginia pottery 149, CXXXIII, CXXXI V prominence of band around 150 Potomac-Chesapeake ix)ttery 161 South Appalachian pottery. 140, CXII, cxxi southern and northern pottery 146, 167 Spanish olive jars 129 Needle, decoration of pipes by 66 Net, use of, in finishing, Iroquoian pot- tery 168 Net, use of, in finishing. Middle Atlantic Coastpottery 148, 151 , 152, 153-154, cxxx, cxxxi, CXX -X VII, CXXX VIII New Jersey-New England pot- tery 177 in molding. South Appalachian pottery 184 See Fabrics: Paddles; Roulette; Tex- tiles. New Brunswick, field work in ix,xi New England, blending of Iroquoian and Algonquian wares in 176 Canadian pottery resembling that of. 170 paucity of ceramic collections from.. 147 pottery from 167-169, 178-179, CLX relations of pottery of 147 See New Jersey-New England. New England Magazine, article on Con- necticut archeology in 178 New Jersey, blending of Iroquoian and Algonquian wares in 175 fragment from, showing incised imi- tation of textile markings 79, 80 occurrence of exotic types of decora- tion in ^ 176 occurrence of Northwestern charac- ters in 188 pottery of 60, 146, CLVHI pottery from, resembling Iroquoian pottery 165 See New Jersey-New England. New Jersey-New England province, divi- sions of 147 pottery of 175-180, CLVin-OLX See New Jersey. New Mexico, character of pottery of 20 field work in ix New river, pottery of 149-150, cxxxiii New York, abundance of pipes on recent Indian village sites in 173 blending of Iroquoian and Algonquian waresin 176 field work in ix,xi forms of pipes occurring in 46 office work on material from ix pottery of 21,22,167,cxi,vii rejxirted occurrence of, in Ala- bama 105 relation of, to ware of North- west 194,196 resemblance of New Jersey-New England ware to 178 New York bay, pottery of 178, cux resemblance of pottery of, to that of Norfolk _. 176 Nicaragua, character of pottery of 20 Nicholas county, Ky., occurrence of earthenware si)ools in 44 Nodes, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 182 eastern United States pottery 66 Florida Peninsula pottery. , . 118, 126, ci Iroquoian jrottery 167 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 163 Middle Mississippi Valley iwttery. 86, 88,89, VIII, IX, XI, xuc 224 INDEX Nodes, decoration by, New Jersey-New England pottery 177, CLViil Northwestern pottery 189, 193, 301, CLXVI-CLXVIII, CLXXI Ohio Valley pottery 185, CLXiii South Appalachian pottery 137, 139,cxiv,cxx Noel cemetery, Tennessee, clay figurine from _ 41 Norfolk ware, resemblance of, U) that of NewYorkbay 176 Norris,P.'W., pottery collected by 201 North, pottery of, area covered by 145, 147-148,186-187 character of 20,32-23,145.187 geographic grouping of 147 origin of 68 North Carolina, association of South Ap- palachian with exotic pottery in 137 character of pottei'y of 144,147 coastward extension of South Appa- lachian pottery in 139 former residence of Tuscaroras in 142 modern pottery making in 53-56, 142 occurrence of Middle Atlantic Coast pottery in 147-148 occurrence of pottery resembling that of East Tennessee in 182 occurrence of stamped ware in 122,135 present Indian occupation of 143 pottery of 70,72-73,144, 148-149, oxxix, cxxx-cxxxil resemblance of Delaware Valley pot- tery to that of 177 resemblance of Potomac-Chesajieake pottery to that of 152 use of steatite as tempering in vessels from 47-48 North Dakota, pottery from.. 198,CLXXV Northeast, character of tobacco pipes of 98 Northwest, area covered by pottery of. 21,187 occurrence of decoration characteris- tic of, in New Jersey-New England area 176 modem pottery making by Indians of 58 I>otteryof 186-201, clxvi-clxxvh relation of pottery of, to eastern pot- tery. 146-147,179 relation of Hopewell mounds pottery tothatof 195 resemblance of Canadian pottery to that of 171 resemblance of New York pottery to that of 167 resemblance of Piedmont Virginia lottery to that of 149-150 use of roulette in 79,189-190 Noseot death's head vases 97,98 Notches, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 181 Florida Peninsula pottery 118 Iroquoian pottery 163 Nova Scotia, abundance of pottery in " 179 extension of Iroquois influence to 168 Number of relics studied, importance of, in ethnic determinations 19 Numbers, development of language of., clxlx Nurture, as an agency of instriiction cxct Oak bark, use of, in firing, by Catawba potters 54 Obsidian Implements in Hopewell mounds, origin of 194 Occurrence, eastern United States pot- tery 23-24,27,43 salt-making vessels ., 28,29 Florida Peninsula pottery . . 116, 120, 123, 134 Gulf Coast pottery... 104-105 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 151 New Jersey-New England pottery. . . 175 Northwestern pottery 187 South Appalachian i>ottery 131 Ocher, use of, in color decoration, eastern United States pottery 63,67 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery... 84 Gulf Coast pottery Ill Florida Peninsula pottery 118 Offerings, burial, use of vessels to hold, eastern United States 39,40 use of pottery for eastern United States 24,25,36-37 Office work, detailed report of xii-xxv general scope of ix Ohio, chai-acter of pottery of 22,188 culture of tribes of 194 occurrence of salt-making vessels in. 28 decoration in color of pottery of 67 occurrence of earthenware spools in 44 pottery of 41-42,193, CnXII, CLXIII, CLXIX, CLJCXI, CLXXII See Apalachee-Ohio; Ohio valley. Ohio valley, abundance of pottery in 83 ceramic complications m 146 character of pottery of 146 groups of pottery in 31,183 occurrence of altars of baked clay in. 87 physiography of 183 pipesof 45 pottery of 182-186, clxi-clxv pottery of area between Apimlachian mountains and 180-182 resemblance between pottery of, and that of East Tennessee 180,182 spool-like earthenware objects from, 43-44 See Apalachee-Ohio; Ohio. Ohio State Museum, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery in 184 Oklahoma, field work in ix,xi office work on material from ix Old Enteprise, Fla., occurrence of fiber- tempered ware at 122 Old Town, Fla., occurrence of fiber-tem- pered ware at 123 Olive jars, Si>anish, occurrence of, in Florida mounds 120,139-130 Omaha exi>osition, Blackfoot skin tentsat xvi Indian congress at, plan for xi,xvi Wichita grass house at xvi Omaha Indians, connection of, with Northwestern pottery 187-188 INDEX 225 Ontario, field work in ix.xi office work on material from ix pottery from 170, 197-198, cXLViii Ontology, definition of clxxxv Opinions, nature and ori^n of clxxi-clxxii Opossum, vase suggesting. Middle Mis- sissippi Valley group 96 Oral language, evolution of cxliv-clxiv Orange mound, Florida, occurrence of fiber-tempered ware in 122 Oratory asanagencyof instruction cxcv- cxcvi Ornament. See Decoration. Ornaments, eastern United States pot- tery 24,25,42-43 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83, 88,se-100 See Disks; Ear ornaments. Osage Indians, pottery making by 58 sugar making by 33 Oseabaw island. Ga., pottery from .. 138, cxvi Ossuary bunal, prevalence of, Potomac- Cbesapeake region lfiO-161 Ottawa, Ontario, earthen pot from 170 Owl, representations of, Gulf Coast pot- tery 108-107, 109-110, LVI, UCXIV, LXXX Iroquoian pipes 174 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 92, 95, 96, XIV, XXII, XXIX See Bird; Susanna Owl. Paddles, carved, Cherokee 78, 80, 133, ex in designs on, resemblance of, to West Indian designs 112, 184-185 South Appalachian province.- 184, CXIV imitation of textile markings by . 80 pottery decorated by, Apalachee- Ohioprovince 180 eastern United States.-- 78 -Florida peninsula 118, 122-123,124,127,128, L.XXXV-LXXXVIII,CVIII-<;X Gnlfcoast 106, 109, 110, HI, LXXVI, LXXVIII Iroquoian province 164 Lower Mississippi Valley prov- ■ ince 108 Middle Atlantic province 148, 149,156,cxzxii New Jersey-New England province 176,177-178 northward extension of 145,148 Northwestern province. 198,CLXXV South Appalachian province . 180, 131-132, 133-138, 140, 143-144, cxn- CXVII, CXXI, CXXVII, CXXIX mingling of, with other va- rieties 144 rangeof 135 probable origin of 185 ; use of , in modeling and decorating, eastern United States 36, 51,52,65,66,80,133-138 ! byCherokees 56,143 I value of . in manufacture 135-138 i Paddles, textile wrapped, Cherokee 73 function of - 154 pottery decorated by, eastern United States--- 71,72 Iroquoian jjrovince 161,163 Middle Atlantic province - - 148,153, 154, 155, cxxxi, cxxxiii, CXXXIV, CXXXVIII,CXL New Jersey-New England province 177,179, cux Northwestern province 188, 189, 194, 196, 188, 199, CLXXII, CLXXIII, CLXXV-CLXXVII . Ohio Valley province 185,cuciv SouthAppalachianprovince.- 144, CXXIX resemblance of impressions of, to basket impressions 71 use of, in modeling and finishing, eastern United States - 36, 51, 65,68,73,143 See Stamps, Pacific coast, forms of tobacco pipes of , . 46 Painting. See Color decoration. Paints used in decorating eastern United States pottery 86 See Clay; Ocher. Palatka, Fla., finding of fiber-tempered ware at 122 Palmer, E., on Catawba pottery making-- 55 Palmetto fiber, use of, as tempering ma- terial, Florida peninsula 117, 121 Pamlico-Albemarle pottery 147-149, CXXX-CXXXII Pamunkey Indians, modem pottery of. 152-,553, cxxxvi use of shell for tempering by 48 Panther, representation of, Florida mor- tuary lottery 134,xcvi,xcvii Papago Indians, researches concerning. . xxii, xxiv Parchment, use of, by American aborigi- nes, for drum heads. - - 34 Parsons, F. H., collection made by. . 106, 106, 107 Partnership corporations, purposes of . . Ixxxii Paste, textureandcolorof,eastern United States pottery - .54,63 Florida Peninsulapottei-y--- 117,121,124 Gulf Coast pottery 106,108,111 Middle Athintlc Coast pottery ... 148, 152,168 Middle Atlantic Coast pipes .... 165, 168 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 84, 89,97 pipes - 9& New Jersey-New England pot- tery - 175,177 Northwestern pottery 192-193, 196,198,199,200 South Appalachian pottery 132, 138 southern and northern pottery.. . 187 Spanish olive jars 12ft See Materials; Texture. Patagonia, collections from xxiv field work in ii.xi Pawnee Indians, pottery making by 58-59, 199-200 20 ETH— 03- -15 226 INDEX Paxton boys, massacre of Coneatogas by. 166 I Peabody Museum, account of Ohio Valley flgurines in reports of 183, 184 accounts of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery in reports of 87 acknowledgments to 16 collections of Miami Valley ware in. . 184 Peace, a principle of justice Ixxix Pebble. See Stone. Pecan point, death's head vases from ... 98, XXXI,XL.III Pedestals, eastern United States pottery, recentness of 62 See Bases. Pendants, clay, eastern United States pot- tery - 25,42-43 Florida Peninsula pottery 119,128 Pennsylvania, blending of Iroquoian and Algonquian wares in. 175 designs from vases from . . . 171, CX1..IX-CLI occurrence of exotic decoration in. . . 176 pipes of 45,173 pottery of 21, 165-7, clxiv-clxvii relation of pottery of, to that of North- west 194 Penobscot river, abundance of pottery on 179 Pensacola bay, pottery of 105-106 resemblance of Florida Peninsula pot- tery to that of . 128 westward extension of Florida and Appalachian ware to... 104 See Mobile-Pensacola. Peoples, value of pottery in study of his- tory of 18,19,21-22 See also History, concerned, eastern United States pot- tery 21-22 explanation of difference between northern and southern pottery by 145 Florida Peninsula pottery . . 115-116, 128 Gulf Coast pottery 104,105 Iroquoian jjottery 159,164,165 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery . 102 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery . . . 146, 1.50,152-153,158 Mississippi Valley pottery 81-82 New Jersey-New England pot- tery 178,179 Northwestern pottery. 187-188, 195,197-200 Ohio Valley pottery 183, 184,186 South Appalachian pottery 130,131- 132, 137, l.*, 142-145 southern and northern i)ottery. 145-146 8tami)ed ware 122 Perdido bay pottery 1(B,106-1OT resemblance of Choctawhatchee bay pottery to that of 108 Perforation. See Bases; Walls. Period. See Chronology. Perkins, G. H., exploration of Iroquoian province by.. 159 on Iroquoian pottery from region of Lake Champlain 168-169 Peru, absence of characteristic decorative designsof , in Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 86 Peru, character of pottery of 30 frequent occurrence of bottle shape in 88 occurrence of head-shaped vessels in . . 87 occurrence of vessels with arched handles in 94 range of form of pottery of 85 Pestle, development of ^ _ x v Philadelphia Academy of Sciences, ac- knowledgments to 16 collections in museum of 105,165,184 Philadelphia Free Museum of Science and Art, ijottery in collections of.. 103, 104,CI-C1II,CVI Phillips, "W. H., acknowledgements to 16 figurine from collection of 156, 157 pipes collected by, Potomac creek site 156,cxLii Philology, or the science of activities de- signed for express! on., cxxxix-clxx work in xx-xxi Phonics, evolution of oxlvi-cxlviil Phra tries, ceremonies of c v-cvi organization of cv Picture writing, origin of clxvl-clxvill Piedmont Virginia pottery 149-150, CXXXIII-CXXXIV Pile dwellers, character of pottery of. . 127-128 Pin, decoration of Catawba pipes with ... 55 Pinching, decoration by, eastern United States pottery 73,118 See also Fingernails; Fingers. Pipes, clay, Catawba 143, cxx viii manufacture of 55 Cherokee, manufacture of 56 eastern United States 44-45 materials used in manufacture of... 46 separation of , into groups 141 Florida peninsula 119, 129, cxi Gulf coast 108,LXIV Iroquoian province- 172-175, ci>iv-CLTH paste used for 161,173 prominence of. 160,172-173 middle Atlantic coast 150, 151, 156, 1.58, cxoi middle Mississippi valley 8.3, 98-99, XXXIII New Jersey-New England prov- ince 175,179,CLX Northwestern province 199 South Appalachian province 131, 139, 140-141, cxxi v-cxxvi, cxxviii trade in .- 140,1.58,173 paper on, by J. D. McGuire 45,99 uses of ^,172 Pittsburg, Pa., occurrence of Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery near .. 80-81 Plant forms and designs, eastern United States pottery 35,39,40,63,65 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 124, 127, 128, xcii-xci V, xcvill Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 91, 94-95, XIX Potomac creek pottery 156 See Life. INDEX 227 Plants, suggestion ofomamentsl features by M use of , in making pipes, eastern United States 44 See Vegetal. Plaster, use of clay for, by American aborigines 37 Plastering, clay implements used in, in eastern United States. 35 in middle Mississippi valley 98, 100 Plates. See Platters. Platonic theory of government, state- ment of _ cxxii Platte river, occurrence of remains of Pawnee villages on 200 pottery making in villages on _ . _ 58 PJMrters, Gulf Coast pottei-y 108,lxvi Iroq«(jian province, rarity of 182 Middle Mtegissippi Valley pottery 87-89, vm,ix Plattsburg,N. Y., vesseltrom 167 Playfulness. .See Fancy. Pleasure, corporations for Ixxiv smiling as an expression of cxll Plymouth township, Pa.,ves8el from. 166,cxi.v Pocatquissing creek, N. J., pottery of 17ft-177, CLViii, ciiix Point Pleasant, N. J., pottery from 177-178 Point of Rocks, Md.,characterof pottery of -— ],W Point'Washington,Fla., pottery from. 109-110, LXXI-LXXVII Polishing, eastern United States pottery . 51, 54,65,56,63,85 See Finish; Stones. Pollard, J. G., on Pamunkey pottery mak- ing 153 Pomo Indians, basket making among xvi Popes creek, pottery of 153-154 cxxxvii-cxxxrx differences between Potomac creek pottery and that of 154-166 resemblance of Delaware valley pot- tery to that of 177 resemblance of District of Columbia pottery to that of 156 Poplar bark,flnish given byuseof.inflring 54 Portraiture, absence of use of pottery for, among American aborigines . 25 Potherie, Bacqueville de la, illustration from 34 Potomac-Chesapeake province, forms of tobacco pipes foundin 45 occTirrence of pottery in, resembling that of Yadkin Valley, N. C. 145, 148 pottery of 150-157, cxxx-cxLii relations of I47 resemblance of New Jersey-New Eng- land pottery to that of 175,177 See Middle Atlantic. Potomac creek, pottery of 154-156, CXL resemblance of District of Columbia pottery to that of ige Potomac valley, occurrence of Iroquoian warein 154 See Potomac-Chesapeake; Middle At- lantic. Potsherds, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery. 46 See Sherds. Pots, earthen, use of , as drums S^ use of, for burial purjKwes 38-39 Florida peninsula, rarity of 118 Gulf Coast group I'S, 108, la v, Lxm Middle Atlantic province, preiK>nder- ance of.. 148,149,151 Middle Mississippi Valley group . 89, xi, xii New Jersey-New England province, preponderance of 175 Northwestern province, preponder- ance of 187 Ohio Valley province, prevalence of . . 184 South Appalachian province, occur- rence of... _ 131,132 use of , in burial 132-133,cxn Potter, vase representing 98 Pottery, aboriginal American 19-21 characterization ofpaperon. xxvi-xxvil development of art of 49 importance of, in study of man and his history I8-19 Pueblo, memoir on, in preparation. . . xiii shortcomings of, in study of the his- tory of peoples 19,21-22 of eastern United States, chronology of 24 color of. 63-64 decoration of 84-67 forms of 61-«3 functional grouping of 24-45 geographic grouping of 20-23 groups of 80-201 manufacture of 48-60 materials used in 45-48 occurrence of 23-24 quantitative distribution of 23 range of 2g.23 size of specimens of 60-61 use and imitation of textiles in nianufacture of 07-80 Pottowomeck village, location of l.w Powell, J. W., administi-ative report by. viii- XXV classification of Creek Indians by 130 field work by xi office work by xii, xiii-xi v, xvii, xx, xxi Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression . . , cxxxix- clxx Sociology, or the science of institu- tions lix-cxxxviU Sophiology, or the scienceof activities designed to give instruction, clxxi- cxcvil Technology, or the science of indus- tries xxix-lvii Powhatan confederacy, connection of, with Potomac-Chesapeake ware 150 Prehistoric development, value of pot- tery in study of 18, 19, 20 Prescott, Ontario, Iroquoian pottery found near 170 Present. See Modem. 228 INDEX Preservation of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 82 Progress, human, value of pottery in study of :..- 18,19,20 Property, consumption of Ixxi creation of.... Ixviii-lxix distribution of Ixix-lxx natureof -. Ixvii-lxviii of Bureau, additions to xxiv-xxv Publication, as an agency of instruc- tion cxcvi-cxcvii Publications of Bureau, list of .. cxcix-ccxxiv editorial workon xxiii Pueblo Indians, character of i>ottery of. _ 20 decorative designs on pottery of 86 frequency of shoe shape in pottery of. 182 influence of art of, on Lower Missis* sippi Valley pottery 102 memoir on pottery of, in prepara- tion - xiii methods of manufacture used by 50, 51,56,68 range of form of pottery of 85 I>08sible derivation of eastern color decoration from 52,67 practice of potter's art by 20 use of basket by, in modeling and molding pottery ._ 69 vase suggesting owl vases of 95,xxii Punch stamp, use of, Iroquoian pot- tery 161 Northwestern potteiy 188 See Indenting: Punctures; Stamps. Punctures, decoration by, Iroquoian pot- tery --\.W Middle Atlantic Coast pottery . . . 15i MiddleMississippiValleypotterSr- 88,89 Northwestern pottery 197 See Indenting; Stipple. Putnam, F. W., accounts of Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery by 87 mortuary figurines obtained by . . 41-42, 183 on figurines found by him near Cin- cinnati, Ohio 184 pottery collected by 168, 179, cue Pyrite, See Iron pyrite. Quadrui)eds. See Animals. Quantities of pottery found in regions of eastern United States 23 Quartz, use of, as tempering material, Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery. 83 Potomac-Chesapeake pottery . 151 South Appalachian pottery . . . 138 in inlaying eastern United States pottery. 52 See Materials; Rock; Silicious. Quebec province, Canada, Iroquoian pot- tery from 170 Quern, development of xv Races. See Peoples. Rage, showing the teeth as a sign of cxliii BaiUf representation of, by eastern United States Indians 100 Range of American pottery 19-20 of eastern United States jwttery 22-23 of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 80 Rattles, gourd, use of, by southern In- dians 34 pottery, occurrence of, middle Missis- sippi valley 83 use of, in Mexico and Central and SouthAmenca 35 use of pottery vases as 36 Rattlesnakes, representations of, Gulf Coa.st pottery 107, LVii Middle Mississippi Valley pottery . 91 South Appalachian pottery . _ 138, CXVIII, CXIX Ran, Charles, vase of which engraving was published by 137. ex v II Raven, representations of, Iroquoian pipes 174 Recent. See Modern. Records, absence of use of pottery for, by American aborigines l 25 of methods of manufacture, eastern United States pottery.. 48-49 of pottery making in the Florida penin- sula 115 Red river, abundance of pottery along ,. 23 pottery found on 108 Red river of the North, pottery of valley of 187,194 Reed, use of, in ornamentation, eastern United States pottery 66 Northwestern pottery 193 Regimentation, discussion of Ixxxix-xci Relieved decoration, Apalachee-Ohio pottery.. 180-182 eastern United States pottery 52, 65, 66 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 124, xci-xcviii Gulf Coast pottery 106,107,108, LVI, LVIII, IjTX, LXVIII, LXXIII, LXXIV, LXXVII, LXXVIIIA-LXXIXB relation of, to engraved designs .. 114 Iroquoian pottery 162-163, 171-172, CLIX,CLII, CLin pil)e8 173, CLiv-CLVii Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 8&-86, 88,89,v-xxii Northwestern pottery CLXVII, CL.XX, CliXX V, CLXX VI Ohio Valley pottery 184-185 CLXIII, CliXIV South Appalachian pottery 141, 144, CXVIII, CXXIV-CXXVI, cxxix See also Fillets; Forms; Handles; Life forms; Modeling; Nodes; Bidges. Religion, development of cxxxiii-cxxxvli elements of, in gentile tribes cix influence of, on pottery 62,64,65 smoking in 44 value of pottery in study of 19 See Ceremonial uses; Mortuary pot- tery; Mythology. Reptiles, representations of. Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery 85 significance of 100 See Seii)ents; Turtle. Republickism as a form of government, development of ex viii-cxxi v INDEX 229 Research as an agency of instruction .. cicvii Revere, Ma»s., pottery from 179,CL.X Revolutionary times, making of pipes by Iroquoisin 173 Revolving devices 50 See "Wheel. Reynolds, H. L., mound exploration in Georgia by IST on association of materials in Georgia mound 139 Rhode Island, character of ware of 178 Ribs. See Fillets; Eidges. Richmond county, Ga., intermingling of wares in mound in 137 Ridges, decoration by, Florida Peninsula pottery 118 Gulf Coast ix>ttery 108,i.xiii,i.xxil Iroquoian pottery... 161, 162, 163, CXLIII Middle Mississippi Valley pottei*y- 86, 88, 89, VI, XI, XIII, XVII Ohio Valley pottery 185,OLXiii Ridgway, John L., acknowledgments to. 71 Rims, eastern United States pottery.. 27,61,63 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 121, 126, Lxxix, Lxxxviii, CI, ex Gulf Coast pottery 107,108, 111, 113-113, LI V, LXVII, LJCX, LXXVI ornamentation of 105 Iroquoian i»ottery 160, 161, 166, CXLIII-CXLVI, CXLVIII ornamentation of 162, 163, 172, CXLix-CLi II Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 149, 150, 151, 154, 156, cxxvil, cxxx, CXXXIII, CXXXI V, CXL, CXLI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 88, 89, v-xiii Northwestern pottery 192,196,197,198, 199,200, CI-XXI V, CLXXV, CLXXVII New Jersey-New England pottery. . . 168, 175, 176, 179, CLVlII-cuc Northern pottery 187 Ohio Valley pottery 185,CLXii,ci,xiii Pamunkey pottery 152,cxxxvi South Appalachian pottery 131 ornamentation of-. 1.38, 140, cxv.oxxill .See Decoration; Forms; Mouths. King bases. See Bases. Rio Brazos. See Brazos river. Bio Colorado. See Colorado river. Riverton, Md., pottery of 157 Roanoke province, picture of pipe and to- bacco pouch of historic tribes of 158 Robertson, R. S., on salt-making vessels. 30-^ Rock, pulverized, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery 46,47,69,60 Iroquoian pottery .161 Northern pottery 187 Northwestern pottery 199 See Materials; Quartz; Silicious; Steatite. Rocking tools. See Roulette. Bomney,W.Va., character of pottery of. ISO design from vase from 171,cxlix pipes of .' 173 Romney, W. Va., pottery of 164,cxLiiI Rosewater, Edward, plan for Indian con- gressatOmahaformulatedby. xvi Ross county, Ohio, occurrence of earth- enware spools in 44 pottery from.. 184, 193, CLXI, OLXIX, CLXXII Roulette, use of, in finishing and decorat- ing, eastern United States pottery 51,52,73-77,79 Iroquoian pottery 161, 164,167,CXLVii Middle Atlantic Coast jwttery . 149, 153-154, 155-156, 157, cxxxil, CXXXIV, CXXXVIII, CXL pipes 158,c'XLiI New Jersey-New England pot- tery 17B,179,CLIX Northwestern pottery 188-196, 196-197,301, CLXVI-CLXXVII Ohio Valley lottery 186,CLXIV use of linger nail as, middle Atlantic coast 149,cxxxi Royce, Josiah, on idealism cxc-cxci Rubbing tools. See Stones: Tools. Rush baskets, use of, as molds for east- em United States pottery.- 58 See Baskets. Sacerdotal. See Ceremonial; Mortuary; Mythology; Religion. Sacks. See Fabrics. Sacramento valley, California, field work in - X Sacrifice. See Ceremonial; Mortuary. Sacrificial basins, use of baked clay ves- sels as, eastern United State.^. 36-37 St Andrews Day, F.a., pottery from 112, LXXIX-LXXIX B Ste Genevieve, Mo., occurrence of salt- making vessels at 28,29 St Francis river region, quality of pot- tery of 102 resemblance of Lower Mississippi Val- ley pottery to that of 103-104 St Johns river, Fla., midden wareof . . . 120-122, LXXXIV mortuary wareof 134-1^, xci-c painted ware of 125, XCIX, c paste used for pottery of 117 pipes found on 141 range of pottery of 126 stamped ware of 123,lxxxv-l.xxxviii St Lawrence basin, practice of potter's art in, at coming of French. . . 160 Iroquoian occupation of -.. 169 defeat of Indians of , by Iroquois 167 St Louis, Mo., occurrence of salt-making vesselsnear 28 salt-making vessels in mnaenm at 29 St Louis county. Mo., salt-making vessels from 31 St Louis Historical Society, pottery in museum of 193 St Tammany parish. La., bowl made by Choctawsat 108 Salem, Mass., Iroquoian pottery from ... 168 Saline creek. Mo., occurrence of salt-mak- ingvesselson > 31 230 INDEX Saline river, 111., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels on 28 Saline springs, occurrence of pottery near 23,27-31 Sally Wahuhu, pottery making by 53-65 Salt lake. See Great Salt lake. Salt Lake City, pottery from site of 201 Salt making, pottery used for, in the east- em United States 24,27-31 in the middle Mississippi valley.. 83 in the Ohio valley _ 186 Salt making vessels, size of 60,88 specimen of, showing fabric impres- sions 70,73 tempering of 83 use of clay molds in manufacture of... 71 Sand, form of vessels intended to rest on. 61 mixture of, with clay, to makeplaster and cement 37 use of, as t3mpering material, eastern United States jrottery 46, 47,53,59,60 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery . 148, 151,155,179 Northwestern pottery . . 193,199,200 ■ South Appalachian pott«ry . . . 138 See Materials; Quartz; Rock; Silicious. Sand mounds, Florida peninsula, burial in.... - 119 pottery of _ 127, evil Gulf coast, pottery of 107 San Juan. See St Johns. San Marco, Pla., character of pottery col- lected at 127-128 ideas as to origin or :;lamp decoration suggested by work at 123 occurrence of pottery animal heads at 128 Savagery, discussion of xci-civ government in xci-civ methods for securing happiness de- vised in cxxviii-cxxx pottery making during 24 societies in cv Savannah river valley, intermingling of wares in 137-139 pottery of 131,134,cxvi resemblance of Northwestern pottery to that of 189 tribes formerly dwelling in. 142 Sawdust, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery. 46 Scales, representation of. Middle Missis- sippi Valley pottery 88 Scallop, rim decoration by. Gulf Coast pottery 106,LXVI,LXX Florida Peninsula pottery 118 Iroquoian pottery. CLVI Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 151, 157, CXM Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 88, Tin, IX New Jersey-New England pot- tery 175 See Mouths; Rims. Scarifying. See Comb: Finish. Schoolcraft, H. R., exploration of Iro- quoian province by 159 illustration of suspension of earthen pot over fire, from 27 on Indian salt-making vessels 38-29 Schools, organization of, as corporations for expression Ixxvi-lxxviii Science, origin of cxcii-cxciv Scioto county, Ohio, occurrence of earth- enware spools in 44 Scott county, Iowa, pottery from 193 Scrapers. See Combs; Tools. Scroll, absence of, Iroquoian pottery 163 Northern pottery 145 culture status indicated by use of 122 presence of life idea in 113 significance of 100 use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery 67 northward extension of. 144 Florida Peninsula pottery 122, 128, Lxx VII, CI V, ex Gulf Coast pottery 106, 108, LIV, LXIV, LXX, LXXIX, LXXIX B, LXXXI, LXXXII Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tery 102,103,Li-Liii Middle Mississippi Valley j)ot- tery 86, 90, 92, 93, 100, XIV, xvii, XXXIII, XXX VII, xxxviii Northwestern pottery. 199, CLXXVI Ohio Valley pottery . . 185-186, CLX v South Appalachian pottery. 137, 139, 140, C-XI V, cxvii, cxix, cxx, cxvi See Decoration; Guilloche; Volute. Sedentation, effect of, on development of arts 82-23 Sellers, George E., on salt-making ves- sels 29,30 on use of core-like clay molds in pot- tery manufacture. 71 Sematology, definition of the science of. clvii- clxiii evolution of olvU-clxiil '* Seminole," Catawban ware labeled 143 Seminole Indians, present habitat of 115 recent practice of potter's art by 130 Seri Indians, researches concerning xxiv Serx)entine, use of, as tempering , 59 See Steatite. Serpents, representations of. Gulf Coast pottery 107,114,i,vil Iroquoian pipes 174, CLV, CLVii Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 91 South Appalachian pottery 138, 140, cxviii-cxx Severn, European ware from site of wreckof... 130 8eTlercounty,Tenn., vessel from 181 Shaman,useof term U Shamans, medical treatment by lU picture writing devised by CLX vi religious ceremonies controlled by . ciii-oiv Shapes. See Forms. INDEX 231 Shaping processes and appliances, east- em United Stat«6 pottery 49-51, 54,55,56,57,58,69 Se^ Cords; Fabrics; Modeling; Molds; Paddles; Roulett«; Stamps; Ttwls. Shawnee Indians, former residence of 142 pottery of,. ^ 139 Shawneetown, III., occurrence - of salt- making vessels near 28,186 ShoU,calcining of, when used as temper- ing material 48»152 effects of use of, as temi>ering ma- terial - 92 powdered, use of, as tempering ma- terial, Apalachee-Ohio pot- tery 180,181 eastern United States pot- tery 46,47,48,57,59 Florida Peninsula pottery 117 Iroquoian lottery 161,165 pipes 173 Lower Mississippi Valley jit- tery ^ -. 108 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery . 151, 152,155,157 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 84,89,97,99 New Jersey-New England pottery 175 Northwestern iwttery 199 South Appalachian pottery. . . 133 southern pottery 187 use of, in inlaying, Sooth Appalachian province 131 use of implements of, in carving stamp paddles 134 See Materials; Shells. Shell forms, eastern United States pot- tery 63 Florida Peninsula pottery 118,127 Gulf Coast pottery 108, Lxvn Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 88, 94, XIX, XL. VII See Shells. Shell heaps and mounds, eastern United States, occurrence of pottery in 23 Florida peninsula, burial in 119 occurrence of pottery in 116 pottery of 120-122,129 tempering of pottery of 117 Gulf coast, pottery of 104 Maine, iield study of x middle Atlantic coast, jwttery of ._ 152,153 occiurence of pottery resembling that of, on Yadkin river 145 New Jersey-New England province, occiin*ence of pottery in 175 pottery from 179 South Appalachian province, occur- rence of pottery in _ 131 Shells, occurrence of symbolic and life designs engraved on, eastern United States 101,138 preceramic use of, for vesseU, by American aboriflrines 25 Shells, suggestion of oniamental features of pottery by 64 use of, in pottery manufacture. .51, 56, 84, 1% works in, suggesting Mexican influ- ence 42 See Shell; Shell forms. ShenaudcMih valley, character of pottery of - 148,149 occurrence of Iroquoian ware in 164 occurrence of Southwestern ware in. 148 Shepherd, James, illustration of Iroquo- ian pottery from Connecticut published by 168 paper on Connecticut pottery by 178 Sherds, use of, in burial, Florida penin- sula : 119 See Potsherds. Shield-shaped decorative figures 127, cv Shoe-shaped vessels, East Tennessee . . . 181-182 Shoreland environment, influence of, on pottery 159-160 Sierra Nevada mountains, field work in . x Silicioustempering,eastern United States pottery 29 Gulf Coast pottery ., U3 Iroquoian pottery 161,165 New Jersey-New England pottery. ._ 175 Northwestern pottery . . 188, 196, 197, k», 201 South Appalachian pottery 144 See Materials; Quartz; Rock; Sand. Silver Spring, Fla., occurrence of fiber- tempered ware at 122 Simplicity, value of, in determining age ofvessels 24 Sinews, use of, in imprinting textile ef- fects 79 Siouan family, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 102 with Middle Atlantic Coast pot- tery 150 with Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 81 with Nortli western jwttery 157- 188,195,197 with South Appalachian jwttery . 131- 132,142-143 XMirtial occupation of South Appa- lachian province by 131 See Biloxi; Catawba; Dakota; Man- dan. Sites. See Occurrence. Size, eastern United States pottery 60-61 salt-making vessels 38 Florida Peninsula pottery 11*4, 121 Irociuoian ix>ttery 162 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 148, 151,153,155 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 87-88, 89 New Jersey-New England pottery... 177 Northwestern pottery 196-197, 200 South Appalachian pottery 132,136 Skin, use of, for drum heads, by Ameri- can aborigines 34 Skulls, inversion of pots over, Gulf coast refirion 110,i^xxv South Appalachian province 133 232 INDEX Slips. See Waslies. Smiling as an expression of pleasure cxli Smith, Buckingham, citation from trans- lation of Knight of Elvas' nar- rative by 28 Smith, John, reference to village on Po- tomac creek site by 155 Smithsonian Report, paper on Iroquoian pottery in. _ 170 Smoke, use of, in coloring pottery, east- ern United States 56,63 Smoking by American Indians. _ 44-45, 172 Sm.oothing. See Finish. Snakes. See Serpents. Snyder,H.F., pottery collected by 193,194 Soapstone. -See Serpentine; Steatite. Sobbing, as an expression of desiMiir cxlii Societies, organization of, as corpora- tions. Ixxiii-lxxlv Society, tribal, grouping of people in xci Sociology, classification of scientie of Ix definition of lix field of research of Ix or the science of institutions., lix-cxxxviii work in xvii-xix Soco creek, North Carolina, Cherokee ■ use of clay from _, _ 53 Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruction, clxxi- cxcvii work in xxi-xxiii South, age of potter's art in 162 character of pipes of 129, 140-141, cxviii, cxxiv-cxx VI character of pottery of- 20, 32-23,35,145,186-187 northward extension of peculiarities of 144,186-187 occurrence of clay figurines in 33 occurrence of colored ware in _ 87 South America , groups of jjottery in 20 use of pottery whistles and rattles in. 35 South Appalachian pottery, area covered by.. 21, 104, 103, 130, 139, 144^145, 147-148 association of, with exotic ware 137 color of 132 decoration of 80, 131, 133-136, 144 forms of 130-132 examples of 136-142, cxii, cxxix materials of 131-132 modern, relation of, to ancient ware. 142-146 occurrence of _ 131 ' in Appalachee-Ohio province 183 in East Tennessee 180 in Gulf Coast province.... 108,109 pipes 45, 140-141, cxxiv-cxxvi pottery resembling, Florida penin- sula 117,127 G-ulf coast 108, 109, 110,111, LXXVT, LXXVIII middle Atlantic coast 149, cxxxii relation of Northwestern pottery to. 188, 189, 194 size of. 132 uses of 38,132-133 varieties of 190-132 South Appalachian province, exotic wares of 132, 137-138, 144, CXVIII, CXXIX extension of northern ware into 145 extent of 130 intermingling of wares in 137-139 occurrence of engravings of humian heads on shell in 138 See South Appalachian pottery. South Carolina, character of pottery of.. 147 coastward extension of South Api>a- lachian ware in.. 139 intermingling of northern and South Appalachian ware in 148 modern pottery making in 55 prevalence of stamped ware in 135 South fork of Potomac river, pottery from 164,CXLIII Southwest, character of tobacco pipes of 98 See Pueblo. Spaniards, possible influence of, on south- ern burial practices.- 120 Spanish ware, Florida j)eninsula ... 120,129-130 Spear points, burial of sherds resem- bling, Florida peninsula 119 Specialization areas in eastern United States potteiy 21-23 Specific gravity, eastern United States pottery '. 117,131 See Weight. Spencer, Herbert, on the relativity of pains and pleasures clxi Spencerville, Ontario, Iroquoian pottery found at.. 170 Spindle whorls, clay, eastern United States 33,43 disks possibly used as, Iroquoian prov- ince 170 Spines. See Nodes. Spinning among southern Indians 33 SiKjnge ashes, use of, as tempering mate- rial, eastern United States 46 Spool-like objects, eastern United States pottery 43-44 Florida Peninsula pottery 124, XCII.XCVIII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83 Ohio Valley pottery 184 Spoon, Cherokee use of, in shaping ves- sels 56 Spirals, use of, in pottery painting, east- ern United States 67 Sqtiare-rimmed vessels, attachment of modeled ornaments to, Iro- quoian province 172 Squash forms, occurrence of, middle Mis- sissippi valley 94 See Gourd forms. Squier, E. G., exploration of Iroquoian province by 159 and Davis, E. H., illustrations of pot- tery from 184,i93,CLXXX,CLXXi Squirrel, representation of, Florida mor- tuary pottery .... 124,xcvii S-shaped ornaments, South Appalachian pottery 137 INDEX 233 stains, nse of, in color decoration, eastern United States pottery 87,86 Stamps, wooden, decoration l)y, eastern United States iwttery 52, "7,80 Iroquoian pottery 164 Middle Atlantic Coast pot- tery 136, CXL Northwestern pottery 138-189, 191, 198, CLXVI, CLXVII, CLXXV resemblance of, to roulette decoration IBO See Paddles: Roulette. Stands. See Bases. Stars, representations of, in decoration, eastern United States pot- tery........ 67,100 Statistics, definition of Ixi elements of Ixiv need for collection of 1x11-1x111 Steatite, influence of occurrwnce of, on pottery 157 manufacture of pipes from. South Ap- palachian province 140 use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery 48 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery. 148, 151,157 See Materials; Serpentine. Steiner, Bo land, pottery collected by 41, 140, cxxii, cxxiii Stepped figures, significance of 100 nse of. In ornament, middle Missis- sippi valley 93 Stevenson, Mrs M. C, office work by xiii studiesof, in Amerindian symbolism. 100 Stipple decoration, Florida peninsula . . 136-1^ See Indenting; Punctures ci-civ Stocks. See Peoples. Stone, occurrence of symbolic designs engraved on 101 workln, suggesting Mexican influence 42 Stone Images, eastern United States 41 Stone implements, burial of sherds re- sembling, Florida peninsula .. 119 See Stones; Tools. Stone pipes, eastern United States.. 44,140,178 variation in form of 174 Stones, use of, in flnlshing, eastern United States pottery 51, 54,55,56,57,59,68,84,135,136,161,185 in inlaying, South Appalachian pottery 131 heated, nse of , in boiling water 26-S7 Stone tablets of Northwest, probable age of 193 Stone vessels, eastern United States 25,60 Stopper-like objects, eastern United States pottery 35-38, 100, XXXV See Tools. Storage, need of large vessels for 60 See Domestic jxtttery. Straw, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery. 46 use of paddle wrapped with. In flnisli- Ing Mandan pottery 198 Strength, eastern United States pottery. 57, S8,161 Strength, influence of tempering o:i 46-47 influence of use of roulette and paddle on 75,1:15-138 Strips, building of clay vessels by, east- ern United States 50-51, 54, 56, 5", 117, 135, 161 See Fillets; Manufacture. Substantiation, principles of xxxi-xxxvi Sugarmaking, pottery used for, in eastern United States 24,31-33,58,60 Sun, drying of pottery in, eastern United States 52, 54, .W,. 59 representations of, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 91,100 Sunflower-like design, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 91 Snpei*8tltlon, influence of, on employment of life forms 163 S?e Mythology; Religion. Surface. See Finish. Susanna Owl. pottery making by 53-55 Suspen.sion of earthen vessels over fire, eastern United States 27, 58, 80 modifications in form to permit 61 Susquehanna Company, vases from land purchased from Iroquois by . . 166, CXLVI Susquehanna valley, design from vases from 171,oxi,IX pipes of 178 pottery from 185,cxi,IV resemblance of pottery of, to that of D?laware valley 176 Susquehannocks, ■conn3ction of, with Susquehanna valley pottery. . 135 Swain county, N. C, present Indian oc- cupation of ., 143 Swastika. See Filfot. Symbolism in form and decoration, east- ern United States pottery 61, 62, 64, 6>, 66, 67 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 136-127 Gulf Coast pottery 113-114 Middle Mississippi VaUey pottery .... 85, 100-101 South Appalachian pottery 136,138 value of pjttery in study of "19 See Animal; Life. Symmetry, absence of mechanical de- vices for giving, among al> original American potters 50 Table mountain region, California, field workin x Tablets, stone, of Northwest, probable ageof 198 .Talc. See Serpentine. Tampa bay, Fla., occurrence of pottery resembling that of Middle Mis- sissippi valley at 81 thick-rimmed bowls found near 112-118 Tandy, M., pottery collected by 188, CLXVIjCLXVUI Tarpon Springs, Fla., pottery from 126, 127, ci-crv, cvi, evil pottery resembling that of 110-111,128, ijcxvit,cx 234 INDEX Tattoo decoration. See Indenting. Tattoo designs, repi'estmtation of, on death's head vases 97-98 resemblance of incised designs of pot- tei*y to, Potomac -Chesapeake province 151 Teapot, vessels resembling, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley groiip 93-94 Technic, pottery making, methods of gaining knowledge of 48-49 value of study of i)ottery making in study of evolution of 48 Technologry, definition of xxix work in - xiii-xvii paper on, by J. W. Powell xxix-lviil Tehuelche Indians, field work among xi Temi)ering materials, eastern United States pottery 46-48 effect of, on cracking 46-47 See Fiber; Materials; Mica; Bock; Sand; Shell; Silicious; Steatite. Tennessee, abundance of pottery in 80 connection of Cherokees with iwttery of 143-144 extension of Miami Valley ware into. 184 occurrence of i)eculiar animal figures in - - -• 101" occurrence of pottery resembling that of , in Georgia 138,cxviii in North Carolina .. 144,cxxix occurrence of salt-making vessels in . 28, 30,31,186 occurrence of stamped ware in 122, 135 pipesof 99 pottery of 28,35, 37,38,40,41,88,89,94,95,101,106, 138, 180-182, III, x-xii, XXII, XXV, XXVII, XXXIV, XLIV-L, CXVIII sources of information concerning pottery of 87 southward extension of influence of pottery of 108 resemblance of Pawnee pottery to that of - 19 special ceramic groups in __ 81 Tennessee river, abundance of pottery along 23 Terraced. See Stepped. Ten*a-cotta vessels, Florida peninsula. . 129-130 Texas pottery, probable influence of Mex ican and Pueblo art on 102 Textile art, influence of, on pottery 80, 86 Textiles, imitation of impressions of, east- em United States pottery 52, 64, 65, 66. 76, 77, 78. 79-80,123 use of, in modeling and embellishing, eastern United States pottery 28, 30,50,52,66,67-79 Iroquoian pottery . . 161, 163, 165, 166-167, cxLvri Lower Mississippi Valley pottery. 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery . . . 151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84 New Jersey-New England pot- tery 179 Northwestern pottery 194-197 Textiles, use of, in modeling and embel- lishing, South Appalachian pottery 13S southward extension of 144-145 See Baskets; Cords; Fabrics; Net; Pad- dles; Boulette. TextTire, Florida pottery 117,118,121,122 Gulf Coast pottery 106 Iroquoian pottei*y 161 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery.. 148,153,155 pipes 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84 New Jersey -New England pottery... 175 Northwestern pottery 196 South Appalachian pottery 181 -Sec Materials; Paste. Texturing. See Decoration; Finish. Thickness. See Walls. Thomas, Cyrus, exploration of Iroquoian province by 159 explorations by, in North Carolina.. 137 illustration of clay plastering from . . 87 office work by tttH proposed association of work on east- ern United States pottery with report of 15 report on opening of Georgia mound in work of 139 Thor's hammer. See Filfot. Thruston, Gates P., acknowledgments to. 16 on use of trowel- and stopper-shaped object? 35,36 pottery from collections of 30, 35,40,41,94,95,101, 106, iiT,xnv-L work on Middle Mississippi Valley pottery by 87 Tick Island mound, Florida, bowls from . 121-122 burial of sherds in 119 occurrence of fiber-tempered ware in 122 Tide- water life, probable influence of, on art 150 Tierra del Fuego, collections from xxiv field work in xi Tiles, absence of, in Middle Mississippi Valley pottei-y 82 Time. See Chronology; Modem, Timuquauan peoples, connection of, with Florida pottery 115 partial occupation of South Ai)alach- ian pro vine 9 by 131 Tioga vases, Iroquoian group 166, CXLVi Toad. -See Frog. Tobacco pipes. -See Pipes. Tombigbee river, pottery of 107-108 Tonikan family, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tery 102 Tools, pottei*y-making, development of.. 135 usedbyeastemUnitedStatespotters. 35-36, 51, 52, 56, xxxiv-xxxvi in producing and imitating textile markings 68,71,72,73-80 used by Iroquois potters 161 -See Bones; Gourds; Modeling tools; Molds; Paddles; Boulette; Shells; Stamps; Stones; Wheel. INDEX 235 Totem, consideration of, in saTage so- ciety xeiv Totomic value of pottery, Florida i>enin- sula 128 Toy-like objects, eastern United States pottery 25,40,41.124 Florida Peninsula pottery 116 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery.... 88,99 Trade, confusing effect of, on pottery records 19 in pipes, eastern United States 1TB Middle Atlantic province 158 South Appalachian province 140 Trailing, decoration by, eastern United States lottery 52,60 Iroquoian pottery 164 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 90 Northwestern pottery 198,197 See Decoration: Inta'glio; Incision. Translation, work of F. F. Hilder in xiiii Transportation, an element of com- merce xllv-xlvi substances employed in ilvi See Domestic pottery. Treaties, smoking in ...^ : 44 Trenton,N. J.( pottery from new ; 176-177, CLVni,CLX Tribal society, grouping of people in xci Tribe, barbarous, government of civ-cxi definition of term xcii gentile, religion of cix savage, government of xci-civ See Peoples. Tripod vases. Gulf coast region, absence of... - 116 middle Mississippi valley 93, VI, XVI, XVII Trowels, clay, eastern United States.. 25,35-36 middle Mississippi valley 83, 99-100, XXX IV, xxxvi Troyville, La., character of ware found in mound at 103 Trumbull, J. Hammond, preparation of Natick dictionary by xxi Trumpet form of pijie, east?m United States pottery -.... 45 See Pipes. Tsimshian vocabulary, preparation of. . . xxi Tunkhannock, Pa., vessel from near 166, CXLV Turkey, representation of. Florida mor- tuary pottery 124,xcvii Turks island, Fla., European ware from near 130 Turner mounds. Ohio, figurines found in. . 183 Turtle, representations of, eastern United States pottery 41 Florida Peninsula pottery .. 124,xcvn Gulf Coast pottery 107, lviii MiddleMississippiValleypottery. 94,xLi Tusayan. See Pueblo. Tuscaroras, former habitat of 142 isolation of, from other Iroquoian peoples 159 linguistic relationship of 142 pottery possibly made by 164 Tntelos, former habitat of 142 Twined designs, us;' of, in decoration, Middle Mississippi Valley pot^ tery 100,xxxvii Two Rivers, Wis., pottery from 195, CLXXII.CLXXIII.CI^XXIV Tylor,E. B., dactrino of animism formu- lated by clxxii Uchees, connection of, with South Api)a- lachian pottery 139,143 former residence of 142 Uhyfiiili, pottery making by 56 Union county. 111., occuri*ence of salt- making vessels in 28 pottery of 192 United States, eastern, pottery of 3-201 United States Coast and GJeodetic Survey, collection from Perdido bay obtained by members of 106 United States Geological Survey, ac- knowledgments to members of 17 Upland environment, influence of, on lottery 159-160 Upper Mississippi valley. Sec Northwest. Urns, burial, use of, by American abor- igines _ 37-39 Uses, Apalachee-Ohlo ware __ 180 eastern United States pottery 24-ffi Florida Peninsula pottery 118-120 varieties resulting from 116 influence of, on form and ornament of pottery .-. 61,63,65 Iroquoian pottery 182 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 148, 151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83 New Jersey-New England jwttery . . . 175 Northwestern pottery 188 Ohio Valley pottery 185,186 South Appalachian pottery 132-133 Utah, pottery of 201 Utility, occasional disregard of, middle Mississippi valley pottery 85 Vegetal fiber, use of brushes of, middle Mississippi valley 86 Vegetal stains, use of, middle Mississippi valley 86 Vegetal tempering, eastern United States pottery 46,55 effect of use of, on color 118 Florida Peninsula pottery 117 Venetian ware, occurrence of, in Florida mounds *. 120 Vermont, design from vase from . 171-172, ci-ll lottery from 109 Vernon county. Wis., pottery from, 192,cLXX Vessel, earliness of, among lottery forms. 49 See Forms; Uses. Village sites, character of pottery found on 82 occurrence of pottery on 28 See Occurrence. Virginia, former residence of Tuscaroras in 142 modem pottery of... 162 occurrence of pottery resembling that of East Tennessee in 182 occurrence of scroll decoration in 144 pipes of 157-158, cxLir 236 INDEX Virginia, pottery of 146,149-150, CXXXII-€XXXIV,CXXXVI,CXl. relation of pottery of, to that of Northwest 194 tempering materials used in 4S tribes formerly occupying. 142 See Middle Atlantic; Potomac-Chesa- peake; Piedmont Virginia. Vlncennes, Ind., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels near 28 Vitrification, rarity of, in aboriginal American pottery 52,84 See Qlaze. Vocable, definition of cxlix Vocables, evolution of cliii-clvii Volk, Ernest, exploration of Pocatquis- sing creek sites by 176 on occupations of Delaware valley ... 178 Volusia, Fla., painted vessels from near Isi5,xcix,c Volute, significance of 100 use of, in decoration. Lower Missis- sippi Valley pottery 103, Li, Liii Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 88,93,94, xvm, XXV, xxxiii, XXX VII,XXX VIII, XLI Vulture, representation of, Florida Pe- ninsula pottery 123,xc Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 94, K Wahpeton. See Dakota Indians. Wahuhu. See Sally Wahuhu. Wallenpaupack river, vessel fi*om Falls of... 166,CXLV Walls, i)erforation of, Florida Penmsula pottery 119-ia),124,125,xcix,c Gulf Coast pottery 106, 108, 109. Ill, 112, Lxxviii, Lxxix thickness of, eastern United States pottery 60-61 salt- making vessels 28 Florida Peninsula pottery .. 117,121,126 Gulf Coast pottery 106 Iroquoian pottery 166 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery . . . 148, 153,155 Middle Mississippi Valley jit- tery 83,97 New Jersey-New England pot- tery 175 Northwestern pottery. 192,197,200 South Appalachian pottery. 132,138,143 "Walton's Camp, collection from 108, LXV-LXVII Ward,Le8ter F., on derivation of mind from force clxxxv Warren county, N. J., pottery from 165 Warren county, Ohio, fragments of pot- tery from 184, CLXII Washes, use of, eastern United States pot- tery.... 49,52,63 Florida Peninsula pottery 117 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 84,96,97 Washington, D. C, potteiy from site of . 166- 157, CXLI Washington. See Lake Washington; Point Washington. Water, vessels for containing. See Do- mestic pottery. Water power, use of xlil Waterways, influence of, on distribution ofpottery 23 Watsons Landing, Fla., occurrence of fiber- tempered ware at 122 Wayne county, Pa., pottery from... 186,oxLV Wealth, foundation of Ixx Weeping as an expression of grief . . . cxl-exlii Weight of vessels, eastern United States. 61 Florida peninsula 117,121 middle Mississippi valley 83, 84 middle Atlantic coast- 153 .See Walls. Welfare, corporations for promotion of ; .. Ixxv West coast, Florida, paste used for pot- tery of 117 pottery of 125-128, ci-cx West Indies. See Caribbean. West Virginia, character of pottery of 149,160 design from vase from 171,oxlix occurrence of Inxiuoian pottery in . . . 164 occurrence of pottery resembling that of East Tennessee in 182 pipes of 173 pottery of CXLIII Wheat bran, Cherokee use of, in smother firing 66 Wheel, absence of, among aboriginal American potters 19,50,57 incipient form of 69 influence of discovery of, on forms of vessels 62 pottery turned on, Florida peninsu- la.. 129-130 substitutes for, among eastern United States potters 50 Whistles, pottery, absence of, in middle * Mississippi valley 82 occurrence of, in Mexico and Cen- tral and South America 35 White, John, drawing of Indian woman by. 15 drawing of use of earthen pot in boil- ing by 26 White river. Ark., occurrence of salt- making vessels on 88 Whiteside county. 111., pottery from. 192, CLXX Wicker, preceramic use of vessels of, by American aborigines 25 Wied, Prince of, on manufacture of pot- tery by Mandans, Minitaris, andArikaras. 195-196 Wilcox county, Ala., earthen burial urn from 38 Wilkesbarre, Pa., designs from vessels from near 171,CL,CLI pottery from vicinity of 165-167 CXLV-CXLVII Wilkes county, N. C, pottery of 14.5, 148-149, C2CXX-0XXXII INDEX 237 ■Willonghby. W. W., paper by, on survi- vals of aDcient Indian symbol- ism 101 Willow baskets, use of, as molds, eastern UnitedStates 58 Willow twitfs. Pawnee use of framework of, as mold 59 Wilson, Daniel, publication of illustra- tion of Lower Mississippi Val- ley ware by 103 Wilson, X. C, pottery of U9,cxxxil Wind power, use of xlii Winds, representation of, on eastern United States pottery 106 Wing, designs representing, Apalachee- Ohiopottery 180 Florida Peninsula pottery 123, LXXIX,XC Gulf Coast pottery 107, 110, 114, 1.VII, L.XXI V.LXXIX, LJCXX Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 85, XX South Appalachian pottery 140, cxi.x.cxx Wings of vase from Franklin County, Fla lll,llii,Lxxviii,Lxxix Winthrop, Mass., pottery from 168, 179, CLX Wisconsin, character of pottery of 22 pottery of 188, 192, 195, CLXX, CLXXIII.CLXXIV Wolf, representations of, Florida Penin- sulapottery 124,xvil Iroquoian pipes 174 Women, making of pottery by, in eastern United States 57,58 in Iroquoian province 163 See Man. Wood, imitation of vessels of, in clay, Florida peninsula 128 manufacture of pipes of, eastern UnitedStates 172 possible suggestion of carved paddle designs by grain of 12 use of blocks of, as molds for clay, eastern United States 50,58,59 Words, evolution of cliii-clvii,clx,clxii World's Columbian Exposition, explora- tion of Pocatquissing creek sites for 176 Wright. Dr Harrison, exploration of Iro- quoian province by 915 report by, on collections of Wyoming Historical and Geological So- ciety 186 Writing, picture, origin of clxvi-clxviii Written language, evolution of clx v-clxlx Wyandots, habitat of 159 Wyman, Jeffreys, fiber-tempered ware collected by 122 Iroquoian pottery collected by 168 on shell-heap i)ottery in Florida 116 on tempering materials of Florida pottery 117 Wyoming county. Pa., pottery from. 166, CXLV Wyoming Historical and Geological So- ciety, designs from vases in , collections of 171, cl.cli pottery in collections of 165-166, CXLV-CXLVI Yadkin Valley pottery 145, 147,148-149. cxxx, cxxxil resemblance of Delaware Valley ware to 176,177 resemblance of Potomac-Chesapeake pottery to 152,153,154 Yamassees, former residence of 142 Yellowstone National Park, pottery of. 194, 201 possible origin of Hopewell mounds obsidian in 194 Yokai Indians, basket making among x vi Yucatan, Gulf Coast pottery suggesting that of 110-112, Lxxvi-LxxviiiA possible influence of art of, on eastern United States pottery 146 Zigzag, use of, in color decoration, east- em United States pottery 67 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery 86 in roulette decoration, eastern United States pottery 75 Zu!ii, occurrenceof iwttery forms common at.inmiddleMississippivalley. 88 Zuiii mythology, work on xiii IS DXJE ON THE LAST DATE TAMPED BELOW CDDfi6T43SM UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY. 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